Africa and the American FlagFoote, Andrew H. (Andrew Hull)
History
Africa and the American Flag
Foote, Andrew H. (Andrew Hull)
Africa, West -- Description and travel; Liberia -- History -- 1847-1944; Slave trade -- Africa, West
Civilized governments are now very generally united in measures for
the suppression of the slave-trade. The coast of Africa itself is
rapidly closing against it. The American and English colonies secure
a vast extent of sea-coast against its revival. Christian missions,
at many points, are inculcating the doctrines of divine truth, which,
by its power upon the hearts of men, is the antagonist to such cruel
unrighteousness.
The increase of commerce, and the advance of Christian civilization,
will undoubtedly, at no distant date, render a naval force for the
suppression of the African slave-trade unnecessary; but no power having
extensive commerce ought ever to overlook the necessity of a naval
force on that coast. The Secretary of the Navy, it is to be hoped, has,
in his recent report, settled the question as to the continuance of the
African squadron.
The increasing influence of Liberia and Cape Palmas will prove a
powerful protection to their colored brethren everywhere. “With them
Sierra Leone will unite in feeling and purposes. Their policy will
always be the same. It must necessarily happen that a close political
relationship in interests and feelings will unite them all in one
system of action. Their policy will be that of uncompromising hostility
to the slave-trade.
There are two aspects of this question well worthy of consideration:
The Liberians are freemen, recognized as having their proper standing
among the nations of the world. The people of Sierra Leone are
Englishmen, having the legal rights of that kingdom. Therefore, seizing
the citizens of either the one or the other community in time of peace,
and carrying them captive to be sold, amounts to the greatest crime
which can be committed on the ocean.
Now as this may be surmised in the case of all slavers on that coast,
the guilt of the slaver in the eye of national law becomes greater than
before; and the peril greater. It may be presumed that if a case were
established against any slave cargo, that it contained one of either
of the above-mentioned description of persons, the consequences to the
slavers, whatever their nation might be, would be much more serious
than has hitherto been the case.
But a principle of higher justice ought long ago to have been kept in
view, and acted upon. Let the caitiff have his “pound of flesh,” but
“not one drop of blood.” If a man throttles another, or suffocates
him for want of air, or stows eight hundred people in a ship’s hold,
where he knows that one or two hundred in the “middle passage” will
necessarily die, every such death is a _murder_, and each man aboard of
such vessel who has any agency in procuring or forwarding this cargo,
is a _murderer_. It has therefore been contrary to justice, that the
perpetrators of such crimes should have been dismissed with impunity
when captured. Such considerations ought to weigh with men in the
future.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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