General Lee was everywhere reverenced. The common form of allusion to him was, “that great and good man.” In Mobile, and throughout the Mississippi Valley, General Jos. E. Johnston was an universal favorite. Beauregard had an ovation when he returned. In New Orleans, the bitterest complaint against the President’s Amnesty Proclamation was, that under it they would be compelled to select obscure persons, or new-comers, for Representatives, “instead of our old and tried leaders.” But there were very distinct traces of State jealousy. “Those d———d Hotspurs of Charleston were very keen to get us into this scrape,” said a North Carolinian, “and now, after sending us poor troops through the war, they’re sneaking off to Mexico, instead of staying with us to stand it out.” Tennesseeans were not general favorites; and it was amusing to hear the contempt showered upon the once petted Kentuckians. “Poor braggadocio devils! After all their strut and swagger, they didn’t know which side they were on, and stood, like a pack of half-scared curs, growling at both.” Missouri, on the other hand, was often praised. Several times I heard the statement, that “Missouri troops were among the very best in the Confederate army.” I have already said that we found no Union party in the South, in the months immediately following the close of the war. I should have excepted the negroes. The prevalent stories of their fidelity to their masters were preposterously false. Not one negro in a thousand hoped for the success of the rebellion, or was without some pretty distinct notion of his personal interests in the issue. They often served or saved masters to whom they were personally attached, even in the most critical moments of danger, but this did not in the slightest degree affect their desire for the triumph of the Yankees. The expectation was general, among the more intelligent, that suffrage would be given them, and many were beginning to assert their claim to lands. How far they were qualified for giving their voice in public affairs, we had no very satisfactory means of judging. We saw mainly those in cities, or near the armies, and in most cases these were the brighter and more intelligent. In Charleston, Savannah, Mobile, and New Orleans, the masses of resident negroes seemed to me quite as orderly, respectable, and intelligent as many of the voters in New York that help to elect mayors like Mr. Fernando Wood.