Home rule -- Ireland; Ireland -- Economic conditions; Land tenure -- Ireland
It is, nevertheless, in respect of the political changes and the
legislative measures passed in the last quarter of a century that the
most serious obstacles will be found in the way of framing any
satisfactory scheme for financing a measure of Home Rule. The Irish
Local Government system, framed on the British model by the Act of 1898,
the Congested Districts Board, and the Department of Agriculture, have
hitherto depended financially, either wholly or in part, on Imperial
grants in aid. Local taxation payments alone from the Imperial Exchequer
amounted in 1910-11 to L1,478,000. The financial scheme under Home Rule
must obviously contemplate and provide for the continuance of those
grants. Land Purchase schemes have been enacted which have already had
the effect of converting a quarter of a million tenants into owners
under a contingent liability of 120 millions sterling guaranteed by the
Imperial Exchequer. No financial scheme can ignore the fact that the
earliest of the annuities created under the Wyndham Act will not expire
before 1972, so that the Imperial liability for the payment of the bulk
of the annuities already created will continue for at least seventy
years more.
Finally, we are faced with the fact that in the last twenty-five years
the relations of the State to its citizens have been completely
reformed and extended. Social reform is now in the programme of all
parties. Education costs several times as much as in 1885. The aged poor
have been provided with pensions by the State, and the Insurance Act of
last year will shortly call for additional subventions from the Imperial
Treasury.
In addition to the new duties thus undertaken by the State, the cost of
Defence and of the Civil Services has grown by leaps and bounds. We need
not look too closely into the apportionment of these charges whilst we
remain partners in a United Kingdom, but if the partnership is to be
dissolved at the suit of Irish Nationalism, a new balance must be
struck, and on any fair basis the contribution of Ireland under
present-day conditions should far exceed the amount under either of the
schemes for which Mr. Gladstone made himself responsible. Both schemes
recognised the equity of some contribution for these services from
Ireland, and it must be assumed that the same broad principles will be
applied in any scheme which may be framed hereafter.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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