So the rival leaders based their opposite action on a
common ground. Dayton, the speaker, now embodied Gallatin's idea in
another form, and introduced a paragraph to the effect that "the House
receive with the utmost satisfaction the information of the President
that a fresh attempt at negotiation will be instituted, and cherish the
hope that a mutual spirit of conciliation and a disposition on the part
of the United States to place France on grounds as favorable as other
countries will produce an accommodation compatible with the engagements,
rights, and honor of our nation."
Kittera, who was one of the committee on the address, then moved to add
after "mutual spirit of conciliation" the clause, "to compensate for any
injury done to our neutral rights," etc. This both Harper and Gallatin
opposed. Gallatin objected to being forced to this choice. To vote in
its favor was a threat, if compensation were refused; to vote against it
was an abandonment of the claim. But he should oppose it, if forced to a
choice. The Federal leaders insisted; the previous question was ordered,
51 to 48. Here Mr. Gallatin showed himself the leader of his party. He
stated that, the majority having determined the question, it was now a
choice of evils, and he should vote for the amendment, and it was
adopted, 78 ayes to 21 nays. Among the nays were Harper, the Federalist
leader, Giles, the nominal chief of the Republicans, and Nicholas, high
in rank in that party. But the last word was not yet said. Edward
Livingston, who day by day asserted himself more positively, denied that
the conduct of the executive had been "just and impartial to foreign
nations," and moved to strike out the statement; Gallatin was more
moderate. Though he did not believe that in every instance the
government had been just and impartial, yet, generally speaking, it had
been so. He did not approve the British treaty, though he attributed no
bad motives to its makers; but he did not think that the laws respecting
the subordinate departments of the executive and judiciary had been
fairly executed. He therefore would not consent to the sentence in the
answer to the address, that the House did not hesitate to declare that
"they would give their most cordial support to principles so
deliberately and uprightly established."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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