American ideals, and other essays, social and politicalRoosevelt, Theodore
General
American ideals, and other essays, social and political
Roosevelt, Theodore
National characteristics, American; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
Now, of course, the republican politicians who gave Mayor Strong all
these powers, in the teeth of violent democratic opposition to every
law for the betterment of civic conditions in New York, ought not,
under ideal conditions, to have expected the slightest reward. They
should have been contented with showing the public that their only
purpose was to serve the public, and that the republican party wished
no better reward than the consciousness of having done its duty by
the State and the city. But as a whole they had not reached such a
standard. There were some who had reached it; there were others who,
though perfectly honest, and wishing to see good government prosper,
yet felt that somehow it ought to be combined with party advantage of a
tangible sort; and finally, there were yet others who were not honest
at all and cared nothing for the victory unless it resulted in some
way to their own personal advantage. In short, the problem presented
was of the kind which usually is presented when dealing with men as a
mass. The Mayor and his administration had to keep in touch with the
republican party or they could have accomplished nothing; and on the
other hand there was much that the republican machine asked which they
could not do, because a surrender on certain vital points meant the
abandonment of the effort to obtain good administration.
The undesirability of breaking with the republican organization was
shown by what happened in the administration of the police department.
This being the great centre of power was the especial object of the
republican machine leaders. Toward the close of Tammany rule, of the
four Police Commissioners, two had been machine republicans, whose
actions were in no wise to be distinguished from those of their Tammany
colleagues; and immediately after the new board was appointed to office
the machine got through the Legislature the so-called bi-partisan or
Lexow law, under which the department is at present administered; and
a more foolish or vicious law was never enacted by any legislative
body. It modelled the government of the police force somewhat on the
lines of the Polish parliament, and it was avowedly designed to make it
difficult to get effective action. It provided for a four-headed board,
so that it was difficult to get a majority anyhow; but, lest we should
get such a majority, it gave each member power to veto the actions of
his colleagues in certain very important matters; and, lest we should
do too much when we were unanimous, it provided that the chief, our
nominal subordinate, should have entirely independent action in the
most important matters, and should be practically irremovable, except
for proved corruption; so that he was responsible to nobody. The Mayor
was similarly hindered from removing any Police Commissioner, so that
when one of our colleagues began obstructing the work of the board,
and thwarting its effort to reform the force, the Mayor in vain strove
to turn him out.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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