American ideals, and other essays, social and politicalRoosevelt, Theodore
General
American ideals, and other essays, social and political
Roosevelt, Theodore
National characteristics, American; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
Had they lived in the
days of Sparta they would have believed in free iron, iron coin being
at that time the cheapest circulating medium, the adoption of which
would give the greatest expansion of the currency. But they have been
dragged on by the slow procession of the centuries, and now they only
believe in free silver. It is a belief which is compatible with all the
domestic virtues, and even occasionally with very good capacities as a
public servant. Mr. Sewall doubtless stands as one of these men. He can
hardly be happy, planted firmly as he is, on the Chicago platform. In
the minds of most thrifty, hard-working men, who are given to thinking
at all about public questions, the free-silver plank is very far from
being the most rotten of the many rotten planks put together with such
perverted skill by the Chicago architects. A platform which declares in
favor of free and unlimited rioting and which has the same strenuous
objection to the exercise of the police power by the general government
that is felt in the circles presided over by Herr Most, Eugene V. Debs,
and all the people whose pictures appear in the detective bureaus of
our great cities, cannot appeal to persons who have gone beyond the
unpolished-stone period of civilization.
The men who object to what they style “government by injunction”
are, as regards the essential principles of government, in hearty
sympathy with their remote skin-clad ancestors who lived in caves,
fought one another with stone-headed axes, and ate the mammoth and
woolly rhinoceros. They are interesting as representing a geological
survival, but they are dangerous whenever there is the least chance of
their making the principles of this ages-buried past living factors
in our present life. They are not in sympathy with men of good minds
and sound civic morality. It is not a nice thing to wish to pay one’s
debts in coins worth fifty cents on the dollar, but it is a much less
nice thing to wish to plunge one’s country into anarchy by providing
that the law shall only protect the lawless and frown scornfully on the
law-abiding. There is a good deal of mushy sentiment in the world, and
there are always a certain number of people whose minds are weak and
whose emotions are strong and who effervesce with sympathy toward any
man who does wrong, and with indignation against any man who chastises
the criminal for having done wrong. These emotionalists, moreover, are
always reinforced by that large body of men who themselves wish to
do wrong, and who are not sentimental at all, but, on the contrary,
very practical. It is rarely that these two classes control a great
political party, but at Chicago this became an accomplished fact.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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