American ideals, and other essays, social and politicalRoosevelt, Theodore
General
American ideals, and other essays, social and political
Roosevelt, Theodore
National characteristics, American; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
Tammany itself has grown great because mistaken leaders of the
southern Democracy catered to its Kellys and Crokers and feared to
defy them.
The first “roast” I ever got from the Democratic press of this State
followed a speech I had made denouncing Tammany, and denouncing the
craven leaders who obeyed Tammany.
It is astonishing how one honest man may honestly misjudge another.
My creed does _not_ lead me to dislike the men who run a bank, a
factory, a railroad or a foundry. I do _not_ hate a man for owning a
bond, and having a bank account, or having cash loaned at interest.
Upon the other hand, I think each should make all the profit in
business he fairly can; but I do believe that the banks should not
exercise the sovereign power of issuing money, and I do believe that
all special privileges granted, and all exemption from taxation,
work infinite harm. I _do_ believe that the wealth of the Republic
is practically free from federal taxation, and that the burdens of
government fall upon the shoulders of those least able to bear them.
If you could spend an evening with me among my books and amid my
family, I feel quite sure you would not again class me with those who
make war upon the “decencies and elegancies of civilized life.” And if
you could attend one of my great political meetings in Georgia, and
see the good men and good women who believe in Populism, you would not
continue to class them with those who vote for candidates upon the “no
undershirt” platform.
In other words, if you understood me and mine your judgment of us
would be different.
The “cracker” of the South is simply the man who did not buy slaves
to do his work. He did it all himself--like a man. Some of our
best generals in war, and magistrates in peace, have come from the
“cracker” class. As a matter of fact, however, my own people, from
my father back to Revolutionary times, were slave owners and land
owners. In the first meeting held in Georgia to express sympathy with
the Boston patriots my great-great-grandfather bore a prominent part,
and in the first State legislature ever convened in Georgia one of my
ancestors was the representative of his county.
My grandfather was wealthy, and so was my father. My boyhood was spent
in the idleness of a rich man’s son. It was not till I was in my teens
that misfortune overtook us, sent us homeless into the world, and
deprived me of the thorough collegiate training my father intended for
me.
At sixteen years of age I thus had to commence life moneyless, and the
weary years I spent among the poor, the kindness I received in their
homes, and the acquaintance I made with the hardship of their lives,
gave me that profound sympathy for them which I yet retain--though I
am no longer poor myself.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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