American ideals, and other essays, social and politicalRoosevelt, Theodore
General
American ideals, and other essays, social and political
Roosevelt, Theodore
National characteristics, American; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
That there is grave reason for some of Mr. Adams’s melancholy
forebodings, no serious student of the times, no sociologist or
reformer, and no practical politician who is interested in more than
momentary success, will deny. A foolish optimist is only less noxious
than an utter pessimist; and the pre-requisite for any effort, whether
hopeful or hopeless, to better our conditions is an accurate knowledge
of what these conditions are. There is no use in blinding ourselves
to certain of the tendencies and results of our high-pressure
civilization. Some very ominous facts have become more and more
apparent during the present century, in which the social movement of
the white race has gone on with such unexampled and ever-accelerating
rapidity. The rich have undoubtedly grown richer; and, while the most
careful students are inclined to answer with an emphatic negative
the proposition that the poor have grown poorer, it is nevertheless
certain that there has been a large absolute, though not relative,
increase of poverty, and that the very poor tend to huddle in immense
masses in the cities. Even though these masses are, relatively to
the rest of the population, smaller than they formerly were, they
constitute a standing menace, not merely to our prosperity, but to our
existence. The improvement in the means of communication, moreover,
has so far immensely increased the tendency of the urban population to
grow at the expense of the rural; and philosophers have usually been
inclined to regard the ultimate safety of a nation as resting upon
its peasantry. The improvement in machinery, the very perfection of
scientific processes, cause great, even though temporary, suffering
to unskilled laborers. Moreover, there is a certain softness of fibre
in civilized nations which, if it were to prove progressive, might
mean the development of a cultured and refined people quite unable to
hold its own in those conflicts through which alone any great race
can ultimately march to victory. There is also a tendency to become
fixed, and to lose flexibility. Most ominous of all, there has become
evident, during the last two generations, a very pronounced tendency
among the most highly civilized races, and among the most highly
civilized portions of all races, to lose the power of multiplying, and
even to decrease; so much so as to make the fears of the disciples of
Malthus a century ago seem rather absurd to the dweller in France or
New England to-day.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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