American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
History
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.
Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
Political parties -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
The remaining sections of the amendment were carried by small
majorities. The Convention, on the same day, through Mr. Tyler, their
President, communicated to the Senate and House of Representatives the
amendment they had adopted, embracing all the sections, with a request
that it might be submitted by Congress, under the Constitution, to the
several State Legislatures. In the Senate this was immediately referred
to a select committee, on motion of Mr. Crittenden. The committee, on
the next day (28th Feb.), reported a joint resolution proposing it as an
amendment to the Constitution, but he was never able to bring the Senate
to a direct vote upon it. Failing in this, he made a motion to
substitute the amendment of the Peace Convention for his own.
Mr. Crittenden’s reasons failed to convince the Senate, and his motion
was rejected by a large majority (28 to 7). Then next in succession came
the memorable vote on Mr. Crittenden’s own resolution, and it was in its
turn defeated, as we have already stated, by a majority of 20 against
19.
In the House of Representatives, the amendment proposed by the
Convention was treated with still less consideration than it had been by
the Senate. The Speaker was refused leave even to present it. Every
effort made for this purpose was successfully resisted by leading
Republican members. The consequence is that a copy of it does not even
appear in the Journal.
The refusal to pass the Crittenden or any other Compromise heightened
the excitement in the South, where many showed great reluctance to
dividing the Union. Georgia, though one of the cotton States, under the
influence of conservative men like Alex. H. Stephens, showed greater
concern for the Union than any other, and it took all the influence of
spirits like that of Robert Toombs to bring her to favor secession. She
was the most powerful of the cotton States and the richest, as she is
to-day. On the 22d of December, 1860, Robert Toombs sent the following
exciting telegraphic manifesto from Washington:
_Fellow-Citizens of Georgia_: I came here to secure your constitutional
rights, or to demonstrate to you that you can get no guarantees for
these rights from your Northern Confederates.
The whole subject was referred to a committee of thirteen in the Senate
yesterday. I was appointed on the committee and accepted the trust. I
submitted propositions, which, so far from receiving decided support
from a single member of the Republican party on the committee, were all
treated with either derision or contempt. The vote was then taken in
committee on the amendments to the Constitution, proposed by Hon. J. J.
Crittenden of Kentucky, and each and all of them were voted against,
unanimously, by the Black Republican members of the committee.
In addition to these facts, a majority of the Black Republican members
of the committee declared distinctly that they had no guarantees to
offer, which was silently acquiesced in by the other members.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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