American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
History
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.
Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
Political parties -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Much, no doubt, can be said in favor of the justice and policy of a
separation. It may be said that secession or revolution in any of the
United States would be subversive of all Federal authority, and, so
far as the Central Government is concerned, the resolving of the
community into its original elements—that, if part of the States form
new combinations and Governments, other States may do the same.
California and her sisters of the Pacific will no doubt set up an
independent Republic and husband their own rich mineral resources. The
Western States, equally rich in cereals and other agricultural
products, will probably do the same. Then it may be said, why should
not New York city, instead of supporting by her contributions in
revenue two-thirds of the expenses of the United States, become also
equally independent? As a free city, with but nominal duty on imports,
her local Government could be supported without taxation upon her
people. Thus we could live free from taxes, and have cheap goods
nearly duty free. In this she would have the whole and united support
of the Southern States, as well as all the other States to whose
interests and rights under the Constitution she has always been true.
It is well for individuals or communities to look every danger square
in the face, and to meet it calmly and bravely. As dreadful as the
severing of the bonds that have hitherto united the States has been in
contemplation, it is now apparently a stern and inevitable fact. We
have now to meet it with all the consequences, whatever they may be.
If the Confederacy is broken up the Government is dissolved, and it
behooves every distinct community, as well as every individual, to
take care of themselves.
When Disunion has become a fixed and certain fact, why may not New
York disrupt the bands which bind her to a venal and corrupt master—to
a people and a party that have plundered her revenues, attempted to
ruin her commerce, taken away the power of self-government, and
destroyed the Confederacy of which she was the proud Empire City? Amid
the gloom which the present and prospective condition of things must
cast over the country, New York, as a _Free City_, may shed the only
light and hope of a future reconstruction of our once blessed
Confederacy.
But I am not prepared to recommend the violence implied in these
views. In stating this argument in favor of freedom, “peaceably if we
can, forcibly if we must,” let me not be misunderstood. The redress
can be found only in appeals to the magnanimity of the people of the
whole State. The events of the past two months have no doubt effected
a change in the popular sentiment of the State and National politics.
This change may bring us the desired relief, and we may be able to
obtain a repeal of the law to which I have referred, and a consequent
restoration of our corporate rights.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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