American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
History
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.
Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
Political parties -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
If one of the States should declare her independence, your action
cannot depend upon the rightfulness of the cause upon which such
declaration is based. Whether the retirement of a State from the Union
be the exercise of a right reserved in the Constitution or a
revolutionary movement, it is certain that you have not in either case
the authority to recognize her independence or to absolve her from her
Federal obligations. Congress or the other States in convention
assembled must take such measures as may be necessary and proper. In
such an event I see no course for you but to go straight onward in the
path you have hitherto trodden, that is, execute the laws to the
extent of the defensive means placed in your hands, and act generally
upon the assumption that the present constitutional relations between
the States and the Federal Government continue to exist until a new
order of things shall be established, either by law or force.
Whether Congress has the constitutional right to make war against one
or more States, and require the Executive of the Federal Government to
carry it on by means of force to be drawn from the other States, is a
question for Congress itself to consider. It must be admitted that no
such power is expressly given; nor are there any words in the
Constitution which imply it. Among the powers enumerated in article I.
section 8, is that “to declare war, grant letters of marque and
reprisal, and to make rules concerning captures on land and water.”
This certainly means nothing more than the power to commence, and
carry on hostilities against the foreign enemies of the nation.
Another clause in the same section gives Congress the power “to
provide for calling forth the militia,” and to use them within the
limits of the State. But this power is so restricted by the words
which immediately follow, that it can be exercised only for one of the
following purposes: 1. To execute the laws of the Union; that is, to
aid the Federal officers in the performance of their regular duties.
2. To suppress insurrections against the States; but this is confined
by article IV. section 4, to cases in which the State herself shall
apply for assistance against her own people. 3. To repel the invasion
of a State by enemies who come from abroad to assail her in her own
territory. All these provisions are made to protect the States, not to
authorize an attack by one part of the country upon another; to
preserve their peace, and not to plunge them into civil war. Our
forefathers do not seem to have thought that war was calculated “to
form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic
tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general
welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our
posterity.” There was undoubtedly a strong and universal conviction
among the men who framed and ratified the Constitution, that military
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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