American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
History
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.
Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
Political parties -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
The Republican was as distinctively the war party during the Great
Rebellion, as the Whigs were during the Revolution, the
Democratic-Republicans during the War of 1812, and the Democrats during
the War with Mexico, and, as in all of these war decades, kept the
majority sentiment of the country with them. This is such a plain
statement of facts that it is neither partisan to assert, nor a mark of
party-fealty to deny. The history is indelibly written. It is stamped
upon nearly every war measure, and certainly upon every political
measure incident to growing out of the rebellion.
These were exciting and memorable scenes in the several sessions of the
37th Congress. During the first many Southern Senators and
Representatives withdrew after angry statements of their reasons,
generally in obedience to calls from their States or immediate homes. In
this way the majority was changed. Others remained until the close of
the first session, and then more quietly entered the rebellion. We have
shown that of this class was Breckinridge, who thought he could do more
good for his cause in the Federal Congress than elsewhere, and it is
well for the Union that most of his colleagues disagreed with him as to
the propriety and wisdom of his policy. If all had followed his lead or
imitated his example, the war would in all probability have closed in
another compromise, or possibly in the accomplishment of southern
separations. These men could have so obstructed legislation as to make
all its early periods far more discouraging than they were. As it was
the Confederates had all the advantages of a free and fair start, and
the effect was traceable in all of the early battles and negotiations
with foreign powers. There was one way in which these advantages could
have been supported and continued. Breckenridge, shrewd and able
politician as he was, saw that the way was to keep Southern
Representatives in Congress, at least as long as Northern sentiment
would abide it, and in this way win victories at the very fountain-head
of power. But at the close of the extra session this view had become
unpopular at both ends of the line, and even Breckenridge abandoned it
and sought to hide his original purpose by immediate service in the
Confederate armies.
It will be noted that those who vacated their seats to enter the
Confederacy were afterwards expelled. In this connection a curious
incident can be related, occurring as late as the Senate session of
1882:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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