American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
History
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.
Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
Political parties -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Such a sacrifice submitted to by us would not have strengthened the arm
of this Government or weakened that of the enemy. It was not necessary
as a pledge of our loyalty, for that had been manifested beyond a
reasonable doubt, in every form, and at every place possible. There was
not the remotest probability that the States we represent would join in
the rebellion, nor is there now, or of their electing to go with the
southern section in the event of a recognition of the independence of
any part of the disaffected region. Our States are fixed unalterably in
their resolution to adhere to and support the Union. They see no safety
for themselves, and no hope for constitutional liberty but by its
preservation. They will, under no circumstances, consent to its
dissolution; and we do them no more than justice when we assure you
that, while the war is conducted to prevent that deplorable catastrophe,
they will sustain it as long as they can muster a man or command a
dollar. Nor will they ever consent, in any event, to unite with the
Southern Confederacy. The bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrines of
that region will forever prevent them from placing their security and
happiness in the custody of an association which has incorporated in its
organic law the seeds of its own destruction.
* * * * *
Mr. President, we have stated with frankness and candor the reasons on
which we forbore to vote for the resolution you have mentioned; but you
have again presented this proposition, and appealed to us with an
earnestness and eloquence which have not failed to impress us, to
“consider it, and at the least to commend it to the consideration of our
States and people.” Thus appealed to by the Chief Magistrate of our
beloved country, in the hour of its greatest peril, we cannot wholly
decline. We are willing to trust every question relating to their
interest and happiness to the consideration and ultimate judgment of our
own people. While differing from you as to the necessity of emancipating
the slaves of our States as a means of putting down the rebellion, and
while protesting against the propriety of any extra-territorial
interference to induce the people of our States to adopt any particular
line of policy on a subject which peculiarly and exclusively belongs to
them, yet, when you and our brethren of the loyal States sincerely
believe that the retention of slavery by us is an obstacle to peace and
national harmony, and are willing to contribute pecuniary aid to
compensate our States and people for the inconveniences produced by such
a change of system, we are not unwilling that our people shall consider
the propriety of putting it aside.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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