American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
History
American politics (non-partisan) from the beginning to date : $b embodying a history of all the political parties, with their views and records on all important questions. Great speeches on all great issues, and tabulated history and chronological events.
Cooper, Thomas V. (Thomas Valentine)
Political parties -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Without calling on Congress for extraordinary powers, the President in
his annual message, merely adverted to the attitude of the State, and
proceeded to meet the exigency by the exercise of the powers he already
possessed. The proceedings in South Carolina not ceasing, and taking
daily a more aggravated form in the organization of troops, the
collection of arms and of munitions of war, and in declarations hostile
to the Union, he found it necessary early in January to report the facts
to Congress in a special message, and ask for extraordinary powers.
Bills for the reduction of the tariff were early in the Session
introduced into both houses, while at the same time the President,
though not relaxing his efforts towards a peaceful settlement of the
difficulty, made steady preparations for enforcing the law. The result
of the bills offered in the two Houses of Congress, was the passage of
Mr. Clay’s “compromise” bill on the 12th of February 1833, which
radically changed the whole tariff system.
The President in his message on the South Carolina proceedings had
recommended to Congress the revival of some acts, heretofore in force,
to enable him to execute the laws in that State; and the Senate’s
committee on the judiciary had reported a bill accordingly early in the
session. It was immediately assailed by several members as violent and
unconstitutional, tending to civil war, and denounced as “the bloody
bill”—the “force bill,” &c. The bill was vindicated in the Senate, by
its author, who showed that it contained no novel principle; was
substantially a revival of laws previously in force; with the authority
superadded to remove the office of customs from one building or place to
another in case of need. The bill was vehemently opposed, and every
effort made to render it odious to the people, and even extend the odium
to the President, and to every person urging or aiding in its passage.
Mr. Webster justly rebuked all this vituperation, and justified the
bill, both for the equity of its provisions, and the necessity for
enacting them. He said, that an unlawful combination threatened the
integrity of the Union; that the crisis called for a mild, temperate,
forbearing but inflexibly firm execution of the laws; and finally, that
public opinion sets with an irresistible force in favor of the Union, in
favor of the measures recommended by the President, and against the new
doctrines which threatened the dissolution of the Union. The support
which Mr. Webster gave to these measures was the regular result of the
principles which he laid down in his first speeches against
nullification in the debate with Mr. Hayne, and he could not have done
less without being derelict to his own principles then avowed. He
supported with transcendent ability, the cause of the constitution and
of the country, in the person of a President to whom he was politically
opposed, whose gratitude and admiration he earned for his patriotic
endeavors.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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