An Account of the Proceedings on the Trial of Susan B. Anthony, on the Charge of Illegal Voting, at the Presidential Election in Nov., 1872, and on the Trial of Beverly W. Jones, Edwin T. Marsh, and William B. Hall, the Inspectors of Election by Whom Her Vote was Received.Anonymous
History
An Account of the Proceedings on the Trial of Susan B. Anthony, on the Charge of Illegal Voting, at the Presidential Election in Nov., 1872, and on the Trial of Beverly W. Jones, Edwin T. Marsh, and William B. Hall, the Inspectors of Election by Whom Her Vote was Received.
Anonymous
Anthony, Susan B. (Susan Brownell), 1820-1906 -- Trials, litigation, etc.; Election law -- United States; Women -- Suffrage -- United States
As the nation has grown to know the needs of liberty, it has from time
to time thrown new safeguards around it, as I have shown in its fifteen
progressive steps since 1776. For sixty years there was no change.
Slavery had cast its blight upon our country, and the struggle was for
State supremacy. Men forgot the rights, and need of freedom; but in
1861, the climax was reached, and then came the bitter struggle between
state and national power. Although our underlying principles were all
right, freedom required new guards, and the right of all men to liberty,
was put in a new form. An especial statute or amendment was added to our
National Constitution, declaring that involuntary servitude, unless for
crime, could not exist in this republic. This statute created no new
rights; it merely affirmed and elucidated rights as old as creation, and
which, in a general way, had been recognized at the very first
foundation of our government--even as far back as the old Articles of
Association, before the Declaration of Independence. This amendment was
the sixteenth step in _securing_ the rights of the people, but it was
not enough. Our country differs from every other country, in that we
have _two kinds_ of citizenship. First, we have national citizenship,
based upon equal political rights. A person born a citizen of the United
States, is, by the very circumstances of birth, endowed with certain
political rights. In this respect, the circumstances of birth are very
different from those of a person born in Great Britain. A person born in
Great Britain is not endowed with political rights, simply because born
in that country. Political rights in Great Britain are not based upon
personal rights; they are based upon property rights. In England,
persons are not represented; only property is represented. That is the
very great political difference between England and the United States.
In the United States, representation is based upon individual, personal
rights--therefore, every person born in the United States--_every
person_,--not every white person, nor every male person, but every
person is born with _political_ rights. The naturalization of foreigners
also secures to them the exercise of political rights, because it
secures to them citizenship, and they obtain naturalization through
_national_ law. The war brought about a distinct and new recognition of
the rights of national citizenship. States had assumed to be superior to
the nation in this very underlying national basis of voting rights, but
when certain States boldly attempted to thwart national power, and vote
themselves out of the Union,--when by this attempt they virtually said,
there is no nation, a new protection was thrown around individual,
personal, political rights, by a seventeenth step, known to the world by
the Fourteenth Amendment, which defined, (not created) citizenship. "All
persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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