Atatürk, Kemal, 1881-1938; Turkey -- Description and travel; Turkey -- Politics and government -- 1918-1960
To pay honour where honour is due, I compliment the Minister on the
splendid “foreign” news of both his papers—the _Tanine_ and the _Vakit_.
I wish to-day that I knew the language and could read the articles by
Hussein Djahid and Ahmet Emine. Even translated, I find them full of
sound commonsense and beautifully written. If at times they are bitter,
there is none of that sensationalism which our Press has lately borrowed
from the States.
My host is due at his office at 9.30, but, though he has ventured to
glance at his watch, the talk continues. At about 10.30, I casually ask:
“Are you not going to your office to-day?”
“When you allow it,” was the startling answer.
Now, surely, time is of importance at least to a responsible Minister?
Yet he will cheerfully give up an hour of his sleep (for that is what it
will mean) to my entertainment, because I have forgotten _my_ duty.
“Do not hesitate,” he went on, “to tell me of anyone you would specially
like to meet, man or woman. It shall be arranged.... Fethi Bey will
lunch with you to-day. Whom else shall I invite?”
I said that I should, one day, like to see Younous Nadi Bey, the editor
of _Yeni Gun_ and President of Commission for Foreign Affairs in the
Grand National Assembly. “He must be interesting, since our Press
describe him as a ‘man who ought to be shot’!”
I found this gentleman, as I expected, well worth going out of one’s way
to meet. Without the exquisite manners of Hussein Djahid Bey, he is one
of those men who, having made up his own mind about right and wrong,
never hesitates to act.
At any rate, until he _is_ shot, he will not allow the Government to
sleep, nor to trust Europe without sufficient guarantees. He graciously
wrote in _Yeni Gun_ that I had given him some very valuable information
about our policy. I certainly did my best to explain Lord Curzon’s
position. Neither he nor Fethi Bey, however, could understand how he
could stay in the new Cabinet. I scarcely expected that they, or any
foreigner, could realise the full measure of England’s folly in putting
the whole machinery of government into one man’s undisputed control.
Like everyone else nominally in power, the Foreign Minister became a
mere cypher.
“Why did he stand it?” they asked.
“For the moment, no protests would have had any effect. His resignation
might easily have brought in a far more complete collapse, and,
meanwhile, he probably felt that the interests of Conservatism were, to
a large extent, in his hands. Lord Curzon knows the East, and he knows
what _ought_ to be done. As Goethe says: ‘Between the knave and the
fool, one should always choose the knave.’... _Gegen die Dumheit,
kämpfen die Götte selbst vergebens._ (Even the gods fight in vain
against stupidity.)”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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