An Essay on Laughter: Its Forms, Its Causes, Its Development and Its ValueSully, James
Philosophy
An Essay on Laughter: Its Forms, Its Causes, Its Development and Its Value
Sully, James
Laughter
The same exhilarant aspect of the vanishing of the outworn moves us
in a quieter way when we ridicule the survivals of customs and rites
which have lost their significance. This form of hilarious enjoyment,
which implies a piercing through of appearances and a searching into
meanings, will be more fully considered later on.
It seems to follow from what has been said that laughter {283}
reacts in a double manner upon changes of social habit. First of all,
it resists the wildness of the craving for the new (neomania). As
schoolboys are wont to treat a newcomer, it applies its lash vigorously
to a proposed innovation, in order to see what “stuff” it is made of,
and whether it can justify its existence. In this way it moderates the
pace of the movement of change. On the other hand, it completes the
process of throwing off an outworn habit by giving it, so to speak,
the _coup de grâce_. It thus combines the service rendered to a herd
of sheep on the march by the shepherd who walks in front, with that
rendered by the sheep-dog which runs back again and again to the
laggards. It seems to be enforcing Goethe’s maxim:—
“Ohne Hast
Aber ohne Rast.”
We may now glance at some of the workings of this complex movement
of social progress on the formation of social sets, and on their
reciprocal attitudes.
It is evident that, by introducing much more subdivision of employment
and exclusive knowledge of experts, progress will tend to widen the
area of mutual quizzing and chaffing, already dealt with. It is of more
importance to point out that the advance of a community in knowledge
and culture will lead to the formation of new groups involving certain
differences of rank. The importance of this kind of group-division
shows itself in classic comedy. Juvenal expresses the lively contempt
of the urban citizen for his provincial inferior,[246] and our own
comedy of the Restoration, taking town life as its standard, pours
ridicule on the country gentry.[247] It is illustrated also in the
relation of the clergy {284} as the learned class, to the ignorant
laity. As the _contes_ amusingly suggest, a large part of the authority
of the clergy during the Dark Ages rested on this intellectual
superiority. If we view culture widely we may speak of an indefinite
number of levels composing a scale of intellectual dignity. These
levels are commonly supposed to coincide with such groups as the
professional class, the man of business (Kaufman), and the lower
class. But no such coincidence can be assumed when once education has
become a common possession. A large portion of our “upper” class—which
is determined no longer by descent but to a considerable extent by
wealth—is neither cultured nor even well-informed. A clerk will often
be found to have more general knowledge and literary taste than his
well-dressed employer, and a working man, in spite of the limitations
of poverty, may know more about such subjects as philosophy and history
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