An historical and moral view of the origin and progress of the French Revolution; and the effect it has produced in EuropeWollstonecraft, Mary
Philosophy
An historical and moral view of the origin and progress of the French Revolution; and the effect it has produced in Europe
Wollstonecraft, Mary
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
To fill this post, the marquis la Fayette was chosen: a deputy for
several reasons popular. In America, where he voluntarily risked his
life and fortune, before the french nation espoused their cause, he had
acquired certain just principles of government; and these he digested to
the extent of his understanding, which was somewhat confined. He
possessed great integrity of heart, though he was not without his
portion of the national vanity. He had already distinguished himself at
the meeting of the notables, by detecting, and exposing the peculation
of Calonne, and opposing the arbitrary proceedings of the count
d’Artois. Governed by the same motives, he had proposed, likewise,
during their sittings, some bold plans of reform, calculated to reduce
the public revenue, and lessen the grievances of the nation, at the same
stroke.—Amongst these was a motion for the abolition of the Bastille,
and other state prisons, throughout the kingdom; and the suppression of
_lettres de cachet_. And still having the same objects in view, he, the
very day the king’s sneering reply was received (the 11th), laid before
the assembly a proposal for a _DECLARATION OF RIGHTS_, similar to that
of some of the american states. The marquis de Condorcet had published a
declaration of this kind, to instruct the deputies, previous to their
meeting. La Fayette had transmitted a copy of his declaration of rights
to the assembled electors, to be read to the people; and nothing could
be better adapted to keep them firm, telling them to what point they
ought to adhere, than the short address with which it commenced.—‘Call
to mind the sentiments, that nature has engraven on the heart of every
citizen; and which take a new force, when recognized by all.—For a
nation to love liberty, it is sufficient that she knows it; and, to be
free, it is sufficient that she wills it[16].’
Mirabeau, even whilst supporting tenaciously the dignity of the national
assembly, felt a pang of envy, that another should bring forward such an
important business, as the sketch of a new constitution; avowedly that
the world might know how they had been employed, and what they were
contesting for, should they become the victims of their magnanimity.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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