An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
History
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
I have said, that without the assistance of one of the three principles
of multiplication, to wit, slavery, industry, or charity, there was no
possibility of making mankind subsist, so as to be serviceable to one
another, in greater numbers than those proportioned to the spontaneous
fruits of the earth. Slavery and industry are quite compatible with the
selfish nature of man, and may therefore be generally established in any
society: charity again is a refinement upon humanity, and therefore, I
apprehend, it must ever be precarious.
Now I take slavery and industry to be equally compatible with great
multiplication, but incompatible with one another, without great
restrictions laid upon the first. It is a very hard matter to introduce
industry into a country where slavery is established; because of the
unequal competition between the work of slaves and that of free men,
supposing both equally admitted to market. Here is the reason:
The slaves have all their particular masters, who can take better care
of _them_, than any statesman can take of the industrious freemen;
because their liberty is an obstacle to his care. The slaves have all
their wants supplied by the master, who may keep them within the limits
of sobriety. He may either recruit their numbers from abroad, or take
care of the children, just as he finds it his advantage. If the latter
should prove unprofitable, either the children die for want of care, or
by promiscuous living few are born, or by keeping the sexes asunder,
they are prevented from breeding at all. A troop of manufacturing
slaves, considered in a political light, will be found all employed, all
provided for, and their work, when brought to market by the master, may
be afforded much cheaper, than the like performed by freemen, who must
every one provide for himself, and who may perhaps have a separate
house, a wife, and children, to maintain, and all this from an industry,
which produces no more, nay not so much, as that of a single slave, who
has no avocation from labour. Why do large undertakings in the
manufacturing way ruin private industry, but by coming nearer to the
simplicity of slaves. Could the sugar islands be cultivated to any
advantage by hired labour? Were not the expences of rearing children
supposed to be great, would slaves ever be imported? Certainly not: and
yet it is still a doubt with me, whether or not a proper regulation for
bringing up the children of slaves might not turn this expedient to a
better account, than the constant importation of them. But this is
foreign to the present purpose. All I intend here to observe is, the
consequences of a _competition_ between the work of slaves and of free
men; from which competition I infer, that, without judicious
regulations, it must be impossible for industry ever to get the better
of the disadvantages to which it will necessarily be exposed at first,
in a state where slavery is already introduced.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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