An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
History
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
Prices, we have said, are made to rise by competition. If the
competition of the strangers was what raised them, the distress upon the
manufacturers will be in proportion to the suddenness of their deserting
the market. If the competition was divided between the strangers and the
home consumers, the inconveniencies which ensue will be less; because
the desertion of the strangers will be in some measure made up by an
increase of home consumption which will follow upon the fall of prices.
And if, in the third case, the natives have been so imprudent as not
only to support a competition with the strangers, and thereby disgust
them from coming any more to market, but even to continue the
competition between themselves, the whole _loss_ sustained by the
revolution will be national. Wealth will cease to augment, but the
inconveniencies, in place of being felt by the manufacturers, will only
affect the state; those will continue in affluence, extolling the
generosity of their countrymen, and despising the poverty of the
strangers who had enriched them.
Domestic luxury will here prove an expedient for preserving from ruin
the industrious part of a people, who, in subsisting themselves, had
enriched their country. No change will follow in their condition; they
will go on with a painful assiduity to labour, and if the consequences
of it become now hurtful to one part of the state, they must, at least,
be allowed to be essentially necessary for the support of the other.
But that luxury is no necessary concomitant of foreign trade, in a
nation where the true principles of it are understood, will appear very
plain, from a contrast I am now going to point out, in the example of a
modern state, renowned for its commerce and frugality. The country I
mean, is Holland.
A set of industrious and frugal people were assembled in a country, by
nature subject to many inconveniencies, the removing of which
necessarily employed abundance of hands. Their situation upon the
continent, the power of their former masters, and the ambition of their
neighbours, obliged them to keep great bodies of troops. These two
articles added to the numbers of the community, without either enriching
the state by their labour exported, or producing food for themselves or
countrymen.
The scheme of a commonwealth was calculated to draw together the
industrious; but it has been still more useful in subsisting them: the
republican form of government, being there greatly subdivided, vests
authority sufficient in every part of it, to make suitable provision for
their own subsistence; and the tye which unites them, regards only
matters of public concern. Had the whole been governed by one sovereign,
or by one council, this important matter never could have been
effectuated.
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