An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
History
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
We must encourage oeconomy, frugality, and a simplicity of manners,
discourage the consumption of every thing that can be sold out of the
country, and excite a taste for superfluity in neighbouring nations.
When such a system can no more be supported to its full extent, by the
scale of foreign demand becoming positively lighter; then in order to
set the balance even again, without taking any thing out of the heavy
scale, and to preserve and give bread to those who have enriched the
state, an additional home consumption, proportioned to the deficiency of
foreign demand, must be encouraged. For were the same simplicity of
manners still kept up, the infallible consequence would be a forced
restitution of the balance, by the distress, misery, and at last
extinction of the supernumerary workmen.
I must therefore, upon such occasions, consider the introduction of
luxury, or superfluous consumption, as a rational and moral consequence
of the deficiency of foreign trade.
I am, however, far from thinking that the luxury of every modern state,
is only in proportion to such failure; and I readily admit, that many
examples may be produced where the progress of luxury, and the domestic
competitions with strangers who come to market, have been the cause both
of the decline and extinction of their foreign trade; but as my business
is chiefly to point out principles, and to shew their effects, it is
sufficient to observe, that in proportion as foreign trade declines,
either a proportional augmentation upon home consumption must take
place, or a number of the industrious, proportioned to the diminution of
former consumption, must decrease. By the first, what I call a natural
restitution of the balance is brought about, from the principles above
deduced; by the second, what I call a forced one.
Here then is an example, where the introduction of luxury may be a
rational and prudent step of administration; and as long as the progress
of it is not accelerated from any other principle, but that of
preserving the industrious, by giving them employment, the same spirit,
under the direction of an able statesman, will soon throw industry into
a new channel, better calculated for reviving foreign trade, and for
promoting the public good, by substituting the call of foreigners in
place of that of domestic luxury.
I hope, from what I have said, the political effects of luxury, or the
consumption of superfluity, are sufficiently understood. These I have
hitherto considered as advantageous only to those classes who are made
to subsist by them; I reserve for another occasion the pointing out how
they influence the imposition of taxes, and how the abuse of consumption
in the rich may affect the prosperity of a state.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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