An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
History
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
The plan of modern taxation seems first to have been introduced into
cities, while the country was subject to the barons, and remained in a
manner quite free from them. Cities having obtained the privilege of
incorporation, began, in consequence of the power vested in their
magistrates, to levy taxes: and finding the inconveniences resulting
from external competition (foreign trade) they erected the different
classes of their industrious into confraternities, or corporations of a
lower denomination, with power to prevent the importation of work from
their fellow tradesmen not of the society.
Here arises a question.
Why are corporations complained of in many countries, as being a check
upon industry; if the establishment of them proceeds from so plain a
principle as that here laid down?
Let me draw my answer from another question. Why are they not complained
of in all countries?
The difference between the situation of one country and another, will
plainly point out the principle which ought to regulate the
establishment and government of corporations. When this is well
understood, all disputes concerning the general utility, or harm arising
from them will be at an end: and the question will be brought to the
proper issue; to wit, their relative utility considered with respect to
the actual situation of the country where they are established. In one
province a corporation will be found useful, in another just the
contrary.
First then it must be agreed, on all hands, that the principle laid down
is just. No body ever advanced, that the industry carried on in _towns_,
where living is dear, ought to suffer a competition with that of the
_country_, where living is cheap; I mean for the direct consumption of
the citizens. But it may be advanced, that no subaltern corporation
should enjoy an exclusive privilege against those who share of every
burthen imposed by the great corporation from which they draw their
existence. That they have no right of exclusion against citizens; but
only against strangers who are not under the same jurisdiction, nor
liable to the same burthens. Here the dispute lies between the members
of the great corporation and those of the smaller. Now, I say, while no
other interest is concerned, the decision of this question ought to be
left to the corporation itself. But the moment the public good comes to
be affected by certain privileges enjoyed by individuals, such
privileges should either be abolished, or put under limitations.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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