An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
History
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
In limited governments, impositions are more generally laid upon
consumption. They encourage industry, and leave the full profits of it
to make up a stock for the industrious person. When the stock is made,
that is, when it ceases to grow, it commonly begins to decrease: the
number of prudent people, who live precisely upon their income, is very
small. It is therefore upon the dissipation of wealth, in the hands of
private people, that the state is enriched. Thus the career towards
poverty is only a little abridged: he who is in the way of spending his
estate will get at the end of it, if his life be spared; and therefore
there is no harm done to him, and much good done to the state, in making
a part of his wealth circulate through the public coffers.
The only precaution necessary to be taken in taxing consumption, is, to
render the impositions equal, and to prevent their affecting what is
purely necessary; or operating an unequal competition between people of
the same denomination. Such impositions have still a worse effect, than
those which fall upon growing wealth: they prevent the poor from being
able to subsist themselves. A fellow feeling excites compassion among
those of the lower classes; they endeavour to assist each other, and by
this operation, like a pack of cards, set up by children upon a table,
the first that is thrown down tumbles down another, until all are laid
flat; that is, misery invades the lower classes: more than one half of a
people.
From these principles (which I have been obliged to anticipate) we may
gather the necessity of taxes, in states where foreign trade begins to
decay. Without them, there is no security for a government against the
power of domestic wealth. Formerly, Princes lived upon their domain, or
patrimonial estate. What domain would be sufficient, at present, to
support the expence of government? And if a government is not able to
hold the reins of every principle of action within the state, it is no
government, but an idol, that is, an object of a voluntary respect. The
statesman, therefore, must hold the reins; and not commit the management
of the horses to the discretion of those whom he is employed to conduct.
Another consequence of taxes, is, that the more luxury prevails, the
more the state becomes rich: if luxury, therefore, breeds
licentiousness, it at the same time provides a curb against its bad
effects.
This augmentation of wealth produces a double advantage to the
statesman: for besides the increase of the public revenue, the progress
of luxury changing the balance of wealth constantly, by removing it from
the rich and extravagant, to the poor and laborious, renders those who
were formerly rich, and consequently powerful, dependent upon him for
their support. By the acquisition of such persons, he gains additional
credit, and supports his authority. Thus wealth and power circulate, and
go hand in hand.
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