An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
History
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
Hence it plainly appears, that, in every light this matter can be
represented, we still find it impossible to employ usefully above a
certain part of a people in agriculture. The next question is, how to
determine the just proportion. For this purpose we must have recourse to
facts, not to theory. We have, in a former chapter, examined the state
of this question with regard to one country. I shall here only add,
that, in proportion to the culture of the soil, and to the number of
crops it is made to produce, a greater or less number will be required;
and in proportion to the surplus of food above what is necessary to
maintain the labourers, will a number of free hands be provided for. If
therefore a species of agriculture can be found established, which
produces little or no surplus, _there_ little or no industry can be
exercised; few wants can be supplied: this will produce a wonderful
simplicity of manners, will ruin the system of modern policy, and
produce what I must call an abuse. Let me look for some examples, in
order to set this question in a clearer light.
In the wine-provinces of France, we find the lands which lie round the
villages divided into very small lots, and there cultivation is carried
to a very extraordinary height. These belong _in property_ to the
peasants, who cultivate the vines. No frugality can be greater than in
the consumption of this produce, and the smallest weed which comes up
among the grain, is turned to account, for the food of animals. The
produce of such lands, I may say, is intirely consumed by the proprietor
and his family, who are all employed in the cultivation, and there is no
superfluous quantity here produced for the maintenance of others. Does
not this resemble the distribution of lands made by the Romans in favour
of 5000 Sabine families, where each received two _plethra_ of ground.
[See Numbers of Mankind, p. 117.] Now let me examine the political state
of agriculture, and of other labour performed by my French vine-dresser.
By the supposition we imply, that the bit of land is sufficient for
maintaining the man and his family, and nothing more; he has no grain to
sell, no food can by him be supplied to any other person whatever; but
the state of other lands capable of yielding a surplus, such as the
vineyard, produces a demand for his labour. This labour, considered with
respect to the vine-dresser, is a fund for providing all his wants in
manufactures, salt, &c. and what is over must be considered as his
profits, out of which he pays the royal impositions. The same labour,
considered with regard to the proprietor of the vineyard, enters into
that necessary deduction out of the fruits, which, when deducted, leaves
the remainder, which we call surplus, or what answers to the land rent.
This belongs to the proprietor, and becomes a fund for supplying all his
wants.
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