An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
History
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
From what I have here said, the reader may perceive, that it is not
without reason that I have treated the principles relating to my subject
in general, and that I avoid as much as possible to reason from facts
alledged as to the state of particular countries. Those our author
builds upon may be true, and may be false: the proportion of births and
deaths in one place is no rule for another; we know nothing exactly
about the state of this question in the British isles; and it may even
daily vary, from a thousand circumstances. War _may_ destroy population
as well as agriculture, and it _may not_, according to circumstances.
When the calamity falls upon the breeders, and when these are supposed
the only people in the country in a capacity of bringing up their
children, births will soon diminish. When it destroys the indigent, who
cannot bring up their children, or who do not marry, births will remain
the same. The killing the wethers of a flock of sheep does not diminish
the brood of lambs next year; the killing of old pigeons makes a
pigeon-house thrive. When the calamity falls upon the farmers, who make
our lands produce, agriculture is hurt, no doubt: does it fall upon the
superfluities of cities, and other classes of the free hands, it may
diminish manufacturers, but agriculture will go on, while there is a
demand for its produce; and if a diminution of consumption at home be a
consequence of the war, the augmentation upon exportation will more than
compensate it. I do not find that war _diminishes_ the demand for
subsistence.
The long wars in Flanders in the beginning of this century interrupted
agriculture now and then, but did not destroy it. That in the Palatinate
in the end of the last ruined the country so, that it has hardly as yet
recovered it. War has different effects, according to circumstances.
OBJ. The population of the British isles is not stopt for want of food,
because one-sixth part of the crop is annually exported. I answer, That
it is still stopt for want of food, for the exportation only marks that
the home demand is satisfied; but this does not prove that the
inhabitants are full fed, although they can buy no more at the
exportation-price. Those who cannot buy, are exactly those who I say die
for want of subsistence: could they buy, they would live and multiply,
and no grain perhaps would be exported. This is a plain consequence of
my reasoning; and my principal point in view throughout this whole book,
is to find out a method for enabling those to buy who at present cannot,
and who therefore do not multiply; because they can give no equivalent
to the farmers for their superfluity, which consequently they export. By
this application of our principles, I have no occasion to call in
question our author’s facts. It is no matter what be the state of the
case: if the principles I lay down be just, they must resolve every
phenomenon.
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