An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
General
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
The price of commodities is extremely fluctuating: they are all
calculated for particular uses; money serves every purpose. Commodities,
though of the same kind, differ in goodness: money _is_ all, or _ought
to be_ all of the same value, relative to its denominations. Hence the
_price of money_ (which is what we express by the term _interest_) is
susceptible of a far greater stability and uniformity, than the price of
any other thing.
We have shewn in the 28th chapter of the second book, in examining the
principles which regulate the prices of subsistence, that the only thing
which can fix a standard there, is frequent and familiar alienation. The
same holds true of money. Were we to suppose a state, where borrowing
and lending are not common, and where the laws fix no determinate
interest for money, it would hardly be possible to ascertain the rate of
it at any time. This was the case of old.
Before the reign of Henry VIII. of England, _anno_ 1545, there was no
statute regulating the rate of interest in that kingdom. The reason is
very plain. In those days there was little circulation, and the
borrowing upon interest was considered as a mortal sin. The consequence
of this was, that usurers, having nothing but conscience to restrain
them, carried the price of their money to a level with the pressing
occasion of spendthrifts, while others, from friendship, lent for no
interest at all. Henry fixed the rate of interest at 10 _per cent._ and
his cotemporary, Francis I. of France, _anno_ 1522, (who was the first
who borrowed money in a regular manner upon the town-house of Paris)
fixed the interest at the 12th penny, that is, at 8⅓ _per cent._
In those days, it was impossible for a statesman to determine any just
rate for interest; and accordingly we find history filled with the
extortion of usurers, on one hand, and the violence and injustice of
Princes and ministers towards those who had lent them money, on the
other: was it then any wonder, that lending at interest was universally
cried out against? It really produced very little good, and was the
cause of manifold calamities to a state. When the Prince borrowed, it
was when in the most urgent distress: those who lent to him, foresaw the
danger of being plundered if they refused, and of being defrauded as
soon as the public distress was over: for this reason they exacted the
most exorbitant interest: the consequence was, that the people were
loaded with the most grievous taxes, and the tax-gatherers were the
Prince’s creditors, to whom such taxes were assigned.
In our days, trade, industry, and a call for money for such purposes,
enable the borrower to enrich himself, to supply the wants of the state,
and to pay his interest regularly.
If we compare the two situations, we shall find every disadvantage
attending the former, and every advantage connected with the latter.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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