An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
General
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
We know from the records of the selling price of grain in France, which
was then remarkably cheap in proportion to the years which followed and
which had preceeded, that in 1356, the septier of wheat, or 4 Winchester
bushels, sold for 17 sols 8 deniers of the then currency, which was 12
livres to the marc fine silver, and a French soldier’s allowance for
bread, to this day, is 3 septiers, or 12 Winchester bushels a year. Now
let me suppose, that the whole 50,000 livres had been raised by this
imposition of 3⅓ _per cent._ or 1⁄30 of the total value of the single
article of corn sold at market, which was far from being the case, and
then compare that with the number of men who could have been subsisted
with all the corn sold in France at that time.
If 1⁄30 of the price was the tax, then by multiplying 50,000 livres by
30, we have the value of the corn sold; to wit, 1 500 000 livres: divide
this sum by the value of what a man consumes in a year, to wit, 3
septiers at 17 sols 8 deniers, which make 2 livres 13 sols, and the
quotient will be the number of portions for a man, to wit, 566 037. So
the whole alienation of France, at that time, fell far below the value
of as much wheat as would have fed 566 037 men.
What a poor idea does this communicate of the state of Europe only 400
years ago! It would be in vain to seek for examples to illustrate any
principle of our complicated modern oeconomy in the histories of those
times: their taxes, their credit, and their debts, resembled ours in
nothing but the name.
I now come nearer home, and give an account of the ideas of public
credit formed by Davenant, who flourished about the time of the
revolution in 1688, which I may take to be the æra of public credit in
England.
No person at that time, whose writings I have seen, appears to have so
thoroughly understood those matters as Davenant. He was a man of theory,
as well as knowledge of facts: he had an opportunity which few people
have, to be well instructed in the one and the other; and he turned his
talents to the best advantage for promoting the interest of his country.
He has writ many tracts on political subjects, which, when carefully
read and compared with what experience has since taught us, cast great
light upon many questions relative to the subject of this inquiry.
Davenant, like other great men of his time, was of opinion that
borrowing money upon what he calls short funds, was much preferable to
that upon perpetual interest; and he thought the most adviseable plan of
all, could it be accomplished, was to raise the money wanted within the
year.
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