An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
General
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
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CHAP. IV.
_Of the State of public Credit in France before the reign of Louis XIV.
and of the Sentiment of the great Richlieu upon that Subject._
Having laid before my reader the sentiments of Davenant on the subject
of public credit, which were analogous to the then state of England, it
may be instructive to compare them with those of another very great man,
in a rival nation; I mean the Cardinal de Richlieu.
The constitution of Great Britain at present, is pretty much what it was
in Davenant’s time: and that of France does not differ widely from what
it was at the death of Louis XIII.
Britain and France are two nations, rivals in every thing worthy of
emulation, and similar in those distresses which are the inseparable
concomitants of modern ambition, debts and taxes.
As long as the constitution of the two governments shall stand as at
present, Britain will constantly have the advantage in borrowing: France
will have it in paying off her debts. It is this contrast which engages
me to enter into the following detail. I consider it not only as a piece
of historical curiosity, but as a subject of profound reflection, from
which much instruction may be gathered.
The fate of kingly power was decided, both in Britain and in France,
much about the same time. In France, it was supported by Cardinal de
Richlieu; in Britain, it was broken to pieces under Charles I.
Before that time there was no fixed form of government established in
either country; nor can ever a regular constitution take place any
where, until the mechanism of a state becomes so complex as to render
changes extremely difficult. This is becoming the case more and more
every day; and upon this and nothing else will depend the stability of
our present forms.
Let us now take a view of the sentiments of a great minister, delivered
in writing by himself, in his political testament; the authority of
which would never have been called in question, had the matter it
contains been properly attended to, and well understood.
It is in the 7th paragraph of the 9th chapter of the testament, where
the Cardinal shews his ability in paying off the debts of France: and in
going through the subject, he casually has thrown out several things,
which enable us to form a judgment of the state of taxes, and of the
effects they were found to produce in his time.
“It is pedantry,” says he, “to maintain that a prince has no right to
draw money from his subjects, and that he ought to content himself with
the possession of their hearts. None, however, but flatterers, the pest
of society, can maintain, that he may draw from them, justly, whatever
he thinks fit; and that his right extends, in this particular, as far as
his will.”
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