An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
General
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 2 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
To illustrate this, we may say with the lawyers, that as all contracts
may be reduced under one of the following heads, _Do ut des, do ut
facias; facio ut des, facio ut facias_; so he who actually gives or
performs his part, is the creditor, or the person who gives credit; and
he who only promises to give or perform, is the debtor, or the person
who receives it.
Credit, therefore, is no more than a _well established_ confidence
between men, in what relates to the fulfilling their engagements. This
confidence must be supported by laws, and established by manners. By
laws, the execution of formal contracts may be enforced: manners, alone,
can introduce that entire confidence which is requisite to form the
spirit of a trading nation.
Credit, in its infancy, must be supported by statutes, and enforced by
penalties; but when it is once well established, every recourse had to
law, is found to wound the delicacy of its constitution. For this reason
we see, that in certain nations, the legislator wisely excludes the
ordinary courts of justice from extending their rigid jurisdiction over
mercantile engagements: they leave to the prudence and good faith of men
versed in commerce, to extricate the combinations which result from such
transactions; because they are to be interpreted more according to the
constant fluctuation of manners, than to the more permanent institutions
of positive law.
The more the jurisdiction of the statesman is unlimited; or in other
words, the less the power of any sovereign is restrained, by the laws
and constitution of the state he governs, the more it behoves him to
avoid every step of administration which can make his authority be felt
in cases where credit is concerned. If he should happen, for example, to
be a debtor himself, he must take good care never to appear in any other
light to his creditor. The moment he puts on the sovereign, the same
moment all confidence is lost. For these reasons, we have hitherto had
few examples (I might perhaps have said none at all) where credit has
been found _permanently_ solid, under a pure monarchy.
But we must observe, at the same time, that the stability of credit is
not incompatible with that form of government. At certain times, we have
seen credit make a surprising progress in France; and it has never
suffered any check in that state, but from acts of power, which I think
have proceeded more from inadvertency, and want of knowledge, than from
a design of defrauding creditors. These may be looked on as blunders in
administration; because they have constantly disappointed the purpose
for which they were intended. Let me prove this by some examples.
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