Anarchy and Anarchists: A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe; Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed; The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy and the Detection and Trial of the ConspiratorsSchaack, Michael J.
History
Anarchy and Anarchists: A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe; Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed; The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators
No longer do they work openly (smarting under former failures), nor do
they allow outsiders like Oelke, Gruenhut and others to get into their
ranks. The Workingmen’s Party of Illinois, as the Communists of this
city style themselves, no longer acts as an independent organization,
but has placed itself under the protectorate of the society of the
Internationalists, which has branches in every city in the world. The
executive committee of this society, which formerly resided in Paris
and Leipsic, has now its headquarters in New York, and its mandates
are implicitly complied with by all the local organizations. The
central committee believe that during the winter large numbers will
be without employment, and hence a proper time will come to strike
a blow. For months they have been organizing military companies and
maturing plans to burn Chicago and other large cities in the United
States and the Old World.
At about this time a secret meeting was held at No. 140 West Lake
Street. Only members of the local committee of the Internationale and
the executive committee of the Workingmen’s Party were present. It
came to the surface that other than political measures were discussed.
The Socialist leaders denied all intention of abandoning politics, but
they did not hesitate to avow a belief that some startling blow would
facilitate the success of their movement. What seemed to give a strong
color of truth to reports about their incendiary intentions was the
action they took with reference to Carl Klings. He had been one of the
most active spirits in their organization. He was a fiery, impetuous
speaker and carried the crowds with him in all his harangues. For some
unknown reason, not explainable upon any other hypothesis than that
some violent demonstration was contemplated as a change from their
past policy, the party had decided to take no hand in the election of
November, and yet, in spite of this decision, Klings had entered into
it most bitterly and violently to accomplish the defeat of a candidate
against whom he cherished the greatest enmity. It would seem that this,
viewed from a Socialistic standpoint, ought to have commended him to
his brethren, especially as the candidate was beaten in the election,
but, on the representation that he had violated an order of the party,
Klings was summarily expelled from the organization on the 13th of
December, 1875. The fact that he had never secretly advocated violent
means undoubtedly accounts for his expulsion.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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