Anarchy and Anarchists: A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe; Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed; The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy and the Detection and Trial of the ConspiratorsSchaack, Michael J.
History
Anarchy and Anarchists: A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe; Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed; The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators
It is unquestionably true that at this time the Communists were
beginning to think of more serious matters than politics, and gradually
drifting away from their peaceful mission as avowed in their early
party platform and public declarations, and it is not unwarranted to
attribute their non-intervention in politics that fall to the efforts
and influence of the Internationale. They proved in more ways than one
that they had at heart revolutionary methods, and that they were only
awaiting an opportune time to boldly proclaim their sentiments. Even
if there could exist a doubt on this point, it was dissipated by the
utterances of the Socialists at a mass-meeting held December 26, 1875,
at West Twelfth Street Turner Hall, to protest against the treatment of
Communist prisoners in New Caledonia by the French Government.
As already stated, the Socialists had established in 1874 an
“International Workingmen’s Party of the State of Illinois,” and for
some time they held meetings under that pretentious title, principally
on Clybourn Avenue. The organization struggled along for awhile and
finally was lost to sight. Subsequently a “Workingmen’s Party of the
United States” appeared in the Socialistic world, and some of the
leaders of the old local organization began to identify themselves with
its establishment and success. They held frequent meetings on North
Avenue. The declaration of principles of the new party was as follows:
The emancipation of the working classes must be achieved by the
working classes themselves, independently of all political parties of
the propertied class.
The struggle for the emancipation of the working classes means not a
struggle for class privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights and
duties, and the abolition of all class rule.
[Illustration: SCENES FROM THE RIOTS AT PITTSBURG, 1877.]
The economical subjection of the man of labor to the monopolizers
of the means of labor, the sources of life, lies at the bottom of
servitude in all its forms, of all social misery, mental degradation
and political dependence.
The economical emancipation of the working classes is, therefore, the
great end to which every political movement ought to be subordinate as
a means.
All efforts aiming at that great end have hitherto failed from want of
solidarity between the manifold divisions of labor in each country,
and from the absence of concerted action between the workingmen of all
countries.
The emancipation of labor is neither a local nor a national, but
a social problem, embracing all countries in which modern society
exists, and depending for its solution upon the practical and
theoretical concurrence and coöperation of the most advanced countries.
For these reasons the Workingmen’s Party of the United States has been
founded. It enters into proper relations and connections with the
workingmen of other countries.
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