Annals of the early Caliphate from the death of Mahomet to the Omeyyad and Abbaside dynasties A.H. XI-LXI (A.D. 632-680) from original sourcesMuir, William, Sir
Islamic
Annals of the early Caliphate from the death of Mahomet to the Omeyyad and Abbaside dynasties A.H. XI-LXI (A.D. 632-680) from original sources
Muir, William, Sir
Islamic Empire -- History
Not long afterwards a curious episode in his history disturbed the
equanimity of the Moslem public. Muâvia formally recognised Ziâd as
the son of his own father Abu Sofiân, and therefore as his brother.
The open acknowledgment of the relationship created a serious scandal
throughout Islam, because it was held to contravene the law of
legitimacy, and still more because it made Omm Habîba, one of the
‘Mothers of the Faithful,’ and daughter also of Abu Sofiân, to be the
sister of an adulterous issue. Even the Beni Omeyyad, Muâvia’s own
kinsfolk, were displeased at the affront put upon the purity of their
blood. But the feeling passed away when it was seen that a pillar of
iron strength had been gained to the Omeyyad side.[579] [Sidenote: Ziâd
appointed Governor of Bussorah, and eventually of Kûfa.]In the year
45 A.H., Ziâd was made Governor of Bussorah, and of the whole
of Southern Persia, from the Straits of Omân to the river Indus. His
strong hand fell heavily on the restless population of Bussorah: the
city was patrolled incessantly by an armed police of a thousand men.
None might venture abroad at night on pain of death; and so ruthless
was the order, that an unlucky Arab, who had wandered unawares into
the precincts of the town, was tried and deliberately executed for the
involuntary offence. Both at the Mosque and the palace, and whenever he
went abroad, Ziâd was attended in Oriental guise by silver-sticks and
lictors, and a body-guard of five hundred soldiers waited at his gate.
The supremacy of law, or, as it might perhaps be called, the reign of
terror, was new at Bussorah, but it effectually repressed rebellion;
and the same may also be said of Kûfa, to which, on Moghîra’s death,
Ziâd was translated. This stern administration was but a foretaste of
the hard and cruel régime which, later on, found its climax in the
bloody rule of Hajjâj; the son of Yusûf.
[Sidenote: Design of removing Mahomet’s pulpit to Damascus.]
In the fiftieth year of the Hegira, we are told that Muâvia entertained
a project for removing the pulpit and staff of the Prophet from Medîna,
the rebellious scene of Othmân’s murder, to Damascus, now the capital
of Islam. But the impious project was, by Divine interposition,
checked. For, ‘on its being touched, the pulpit trembled fearfully,
and the sun was darkened, so that the very stars shone forth, and
men were terrified at the prodigies.’ The tradition is significant
of the superstitious regard in which everything connected with the
Prophet’s person was held. It is not unlikely that Muâvia did entertain
the sacrilegious design; but, if so, he was dissuaded from it by Abu
Horeira, who urged that where the Prophet had placed his pulpit and his
staff, there they should remain. And so they were left as relics in the
Great Mosque hard by the dwelling-place of Mahomet.[580]
CHAPTER XLVIII.
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