Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895: Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1895-1896, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1898, pages 519-744Fewkes, Jesse Walter
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Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895: Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1895-1896, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1898, pages 519-744
[Footnote 108: The replastering of kivas at Walpi takes place during
the _Powamu_, an elaborate _katcina_ celebration. I have noticed that
in this renovation of the kivas one corner, as a rule, is left
unplastered, but have elicited no satisfactory explanation of this
apparent oversight, which, no doubt, has significance. Someone,
perhaps overimaginative, suggested to me that the unplastered corner
was the same as the break in encircling lines on ancient pottery.]
[Footnote 109: I was aided in making this plan by the late J. G.
Owens, my former assistant in the field work of the Hemenway
Expedition. It was prepared with a few simple instruments, and is not
claimed to be accurate in all particulars.]
[Footnote 110: The existence of these peach trees near Sikyatki
suggests, of course, an abandonment of the neighboring pueblo in
historic times, but I hardly think it outweighs other stronger proofs
of antiquity.]
[Footnote 111: The position of the cemeteries in ancient Tusayan ruins
is by no means uniform. They are rarely situated far from the houses,
and are sometimes just outside the walls. While the dead were seldom
carried far from the village, a sandy locality was generally chosen
and a grave excavated a few feet deep. Usually a few stones were
placed on the surface of the ground over the burial place, evidently
to protect the remains from prowling beasts.]
[Footnote 112: The excavations at Homolobi in 1896 revealed two
beautiful cups with braided handles and one where the clay strands are
twisted.]
[Footnote 113: The modern potters commonly adorn the ends of ladle
handles with heads of different mythologic beings in their pantheon.
The knob-head priest-clowns are favorite personages to represent,
although even the Corn-maid and different _katcinas_ are also
sometimes chosen for this purpose. The heads of various animals are
likewise frequently found, some in artistic positions, others less
so.]
[Footnote 114: The clay ladles with perforated handles with which the
modern Hopi sometimes drink are believed to be of late origin in
Tusayan.]
[Footnote 115: The oldest medicine bowls now in use ordinarily have
handles and a terraced rim, but there are one or two important
exceptions. In this connection it may be mentioned that, unlike the
Zuñi, the Hopi never use a clay bowl with a basket-like handle for
sacred meal, but always carry the meal in basket trays. This the
priests claim is a very old practice, and so far as my observations go
is confirmed by archeological evidence. The bowl with a basket-form
handle is not found either in ancient or modern Tusayan.]
[Footnote 116: Symbolism rather than realism was the controlling
element of archaic decoration. Thus, while objects of beauty, like
flowers and leaves, were rarely depicted, and human forms are most
absurd caricatures, most careful attention was given to minute details
of symbolism, or idealized animals unknown to the naturalist.]
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