Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895: Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1895-1896, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1898, pages 519-744Fewkes, Jesse Walter
History
Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895: Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1895-1896, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1898, pages 519-744
The approximate date of the immigration of the Patki people to Tusayan
is as yet a matter of conjecture. It may have been in prehistoric
times, or more likely at a comparatively late period in the history of
the people. It seems well substantiated, however, that when this
Water-house people joined the other Hopi, the latter inhabited pueblos
and were to all intents a pueblo people. If this hypothesis be a
correct one, the Snake, Horn, and Bear peoples, whom the southern
colonists found in Tusayan, had a culture of their own similar to that
of the people from the south. Whence that culture came must be
determined by studies of the component clans of the Hopi before the
arrival of the Patki people.[30]
The origin of the round shape of the estufa, according to Nordenskiöld
(p. 168), is most easily explained on the hypothesis that it is a
reminiscence of the cliff-dwellers' nomadic period. "There must be
some very cogent reason for the employment of this shape," he says,
"for the construction of a cylindrical chamber within a block of
rectangular rooms involves no small amount of labor. We know how
obstinately primitive nations cling to everything connected with their
religious ideas. Then what is more natural than the retention, for the
room where religious ceremonies were performed, of the round shape
characteristic of the original dwelling place, the nomadic hut? This
assumption is further corroborated by the situation of the hearth and
the structure of the roof of the estufa, when we find points of
analogy to the method employed by certain nomadic Indians in the
erection of their huts." This theory of the origin of the round form
of dwelling and its retention in the architecture of the kiva,
advanced by Nordenskiöld in 1893, has much in its favor, but the
rectangular form, which, so far as known, is the only shape of these
sacred rooms in the Tusayan region, is still unexplained. From
Castañeda's narrative of the Coronado expedition it appears that in
the middle of the sixteenth century the eastern pueblos had both
square and round estufas or kivas, and that these kivas belonged to
the men while the rooms of the pueblo were in the possession of the
women. The apparent reason why we find no round rooms or kivas in the
southern cliff houses and in Tusayan may be due to several causes.
Local conditions, including the character of the building sites on the
Hopi mesa, made square rooms more practical, or the nomadic stage was
so far removed that the form of the inclosure in which the ancients
held their rites had not been preserved. Moreover, some of the most
ancient and secret observances at Walpi, as the Flute ceremony, are
not performed in special kivas, but take place in ordinary living
rooms.
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