Aristocracy & Evolution: A Study of the Rights, the Origin, and the Social Functions of the Wealthier ClassesMallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Science
Aristocracy & Evolution: A Study of the Rights, the Origin, and the Social Functions of the Wealthier Classes
Mallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Ability; Aristocracy (Social class); Social sciences
In discussing, with reference to political government, the means by
which the great man controls the actions of others, it will be found
that the point on which we shall have to concentrate our attention
differs somewhat from that which engaged it when we were discussing
the same question with reference to economic production. For all the
points which, with reference to the directors of industry, it was
necessary to establish in opposition to the sociological sophistries
of to-day are, with reference to the political governor, admitted
by all alike. Thus we shall find on reflection that the extremest
democratic reformer, no less than the aristocrat or the strict
upholder of autocracy, admits, firstly, that satisfactory governors
must be exceptional or great men; secondly, that the fittest great
men can be secured by competition only; and, thirdly, that however
they are appointed, and whatever may be the principles on which they
govern, their orders must in every case be enforced by virtually the
same {177} sanctions. The last of these three facts—namely, that the
commands of the governor must be enforced by some system of restraint
and punishment for the disobedient—is sufficiently plain to require
no further notice; but the two others, obvious as they really are,
are not perhaps generally realised, and it will be well to give a few
words to them.
That the efficient governor, though he need not always be a genius,
must in some respects, at all events, be a great or exceptional man,
is of course admitted by the advocates of autocracy, aristocracy,
or oligarchy. All that requires to be shown is that it is admitted
also by the thinkers who are most opposed to them—by socialists and
extreme democrats. This admission on their part is implied in the
notorious importance attached by them to the machinery of popular
election; for popular election is simply an elaborate means of
expressing the opinion of the people that out of so many possible
governors, this one or that one is endowed with greater capacity than
the others. If the capacities of all were equal, or if exceptional
capacity was not required, the _personnel_ of the government might
be chosen by casting lots. Next, as to the question of competition,
it must be obvious to every one that the popular election of
governors is not only an admission that some few men out of many are
greater or more capable than the rest, but is also, on the part of
the candidates for election themselves, competition in one of its
intensest and most sharply accentuated forms. {178}
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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