Aristocracy & Evolution: A Study of the Rights, the Origin, and the Social Functions of the Wealthier ClassesMallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Science
Aristocracy & Evolution: A Study of the Rights, the Origin, and the Social Functions of the Wealthier Classes
Mallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Ability; Aristocracy (Social class); Social sciences
The beneficial effects, then, to be looked for from an equalisation
of opportunity have been exaggerated by democratic thinkers because
they have failed to perceive those facts. They have confounded the
development of accomplishments which might conceivably be acquired
by all with the development of faculties which, even potentially,
are possessed by a few only. They see that education can increase
the number of possible clerks, and they have therefore imagined that
it can, with similar ease and certainty, increase the number of
efficient men of genius. It must, however, be distinctly stated that
{335} the error in their conclusion is one of exaggeration only.
There is much exceptional talent which, though not of the highest
order, will, when opportunity is given it, increase the wealth of the
community, but which will, without the educational help of the State,
be lost; and it may frankly be admitted that, within certain limits,
the equalising of educational opportunity plays a very important part
in supplying the community with exceptionally efficient citizens.
But the main difficulties involved in the artificial equalisation of
opportunity are not concerned with the problem of how to produce good
results by it. They are connected with the problem of how to avoid
producing bad results. Let us consider what the possible bad results
of it are.
In a general way they are indicated, or indirectly implied, in
the saying so dear to the sterner and more thoughtless of the
Conservatives—that popular education does nothing but promote
discontent. Sweeping statements of this kind, however, though they
may have an element of truth in them, are valueless till they have
been carefully qualified; for what we have to ask about them is
not whether they are true, but how far they are true, and in what
precise senses. Thus, though it is true that the danger of diffusing
education lies in the discontent that may thereby be promoted, some
kinds of discontent are not dangerous—they are beneficial; therefore
the danger of diffusing education lies in its tendency to promote not
discontent generally, but {336} discontent of certain special kinds;
and it is necessary to discriminate carefully what these kinds are.
Now the kind of discontent which Conservatives generally have in
view, when they denounce education because they think it tends to
promote it, is by no means that from which danger really arises. What
they generally have in view is a discontent with his circumstances
which they think education will produce in the average working man.
In reality, however, the primary danger of education is not to be
looked for in its effects upon average men at all. It is to be looked
for in its effects upon men who are distinctly exceptional.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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