Aristocracy & Evolution: A Study of the Rights, the Origin, and the Social Functions of the Wealthier ClassesMallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Science
Aristocracy & Evolution: A Study of the Rights, the Origin, and the Social Functions of the Wealthier Classes
Mallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Ability; Aristocracy (Social class); Social sciences
In the seventh chapter of his _Study of Sociology_, being
incidentally concerned to insist on the iniquity and the
mischievousness of war, he describes how Europe, during the earlier
years of this century, was visited by certain disasters, far-reaching
and horrible, from the consequence of which the world has hardly
yet recovered. These disasters consisted of slaughter, plunder,
pestilence, agony, rape, and ruin; and to say nothing of their
results on those whom they left alive, they resulted in some two
million violent and unnecessary deaths. And how does Mr. Spencer
explain these appalling phenomena? He who declares that we should
learn nothing about social causation “_should we read ourselves
blind over the biographies_” of all the great rulers of the world,
explains them by tracing them to one sole and single cause; and this,
he says, was the genius {85} and personality of Napoleon. “_Out of
the sanguinary chaos of the Revolution_,” he writes, “_rose a soldier
whose immense ability, joined with his absolute unscrupulousness,
made him now general, now consul, now autocrat. The instincts of
the savage were scarcely at all qualified in him by what we call
moral sentiments. . . . And all this slaughter, all this suffering,
all this devastation was gone through—_” Let us pause and ask why
it was gone through, according to Mr. Spencer. Does he say it was
gone through because of “_aggregates of past conditions_” and the
influence of antecedent generations? Far from it. He says, “_All this
was gone through because one man had a restless desire to be despot
over all men._”
But perhaps Mr. Spencer may have a defence ready. He may tell us
that the influence of Napoleon was merely that of a military leader,
which influence he has excepted from his theory of general causes.
To this it must be answered in the first place that Napoleon was
at all events not a leader in “_early_” or “_primitive_” warfare,
to which Mr. Spencer’s exception is specifically and emphatically
limited. Mr. Spencer consequently shows us, by his own practical
reasoning, that this theoretical limitation of which he made so much
cannot be maintained for a moment, and that whatever is true of great
leaders in a primitive war, he himself recognises—all his theories
notwithstanding—as equally true of them in the most advanced stages
of civilisation. But a far more important {86} answer, and one taken
from himself, is still in reserve—an answer which clenches the whole
matter, and shows us that Mr. Spencer, in his dealings with practical
life, really recognises great men as exercising in the arts of peace
precisely the same kind of causality which Napoleon exercised in war.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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