Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. SurrattHarris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
History
Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. Surratt
Harris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865 -- Assassination; Surratt, John H. (John Harrison), 1844-1916
"I have not come here for the purpose of proving that Mrs. Surratt
was guilty or that she was innocent, and I do not understand why that
subject was lugged into this case in the mode that it has been; nor
do I understand why the counsel denounced the military commission who
tried her, and thus indirectly censured, in the severest manner, the
President of the United States. The counsel certainly knew when they
were talking about that tribunal, and when they were thus denouncing
it, that President Johnson, President of the United States, ordered
it with his own hand; that President Johnson, President of the United
States, signed the warrant that directed the execution; that President
Johnson, President of the United States, when that record was presented
to him, laid it before his cabinet, and that every single member voted
to confirm the sentence, and that the President with his own hand,
wrote his confirmation of it, and with his own hand signed the warrant.
I hold in my hand the original record, and no other man, as it appears
from that paper, ordered it. No other one touched this paper; and when
it was suggested by some of the members of the commission that in
consequence of the age and the sex of Mrs. Surratt it might possibly
be well to change her sentence to imprisonment for life, he signed the
warrant for her death with the paper right before his eyes--and there
it is (handing the paper to Mr. Merrick). My friend can read it for
himself.
"My friends on the other side have undertaken to arraign the
government of the United States against the prisoner. They have talked
very loudly and eloquently about this great government of twenty-five
or thirty millions of people being engaged in trying to bring to
conviction one poor young man, and have treated it as though it was
a hostile act, as though two parties were litigants before you, the
one trying to beat the other. Is it possible that it has come to
this, that, in the city of Washington, where the President has been
murdered, that when under the form of law, and before a court and
jury of twelve men, an investigation is made to ascertain whether the
prisoner is guilty of this great crime, that the government are to
be charged as seeking his blood, and its officers as lapping their
tongues in the blood of the innocent? I quote the language exactly.
It is a shocking thing to hear. What is the purpose of a government?
What is the business of a government? According to the gentleman's
notion, when a murder is committed the government should not do
anything towards ascertaining who perpetrated that murder; and if the
government did undertake to investigate the matter and endeavor to find
out whether the man charged with the crime is guilty or not guilty the
government and all connected with it must be expected to be assailed
as 'blood hounds of the law,' and as seeking 'to lap their tongues in
the blood of the innocent.' Is that the business of government, and
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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