Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. SurrattHarris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
History
Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. Surratt
Harris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865 -- Assassination; Surratt, John H. (John Harrison), 1844-1916
The fact of his being, at the time of his murder, the President of
the United States was not mentioned. The treasonable purpose of that
murder was also omitted no reference being made to the political
reasons that moved the conspirators to the commission of the crime. The
counsel for the defense contended most earnestly that because of these
omissions the fact of the official position of Abraham Lincoln and of
the political motives that inspired the crime could not be taken into
consideration in the trial of the prisoner. They argued that it must be
regarded in law simply as the murder of a man, and as a crime no more
henious in character than the murder of the humblest citizen. Had the
crime of treason been alleged in the indictment the defense would have
been entitled to have a list of the witnesses by whom the government
expected to prove the crime in advance of the trial; and it would have
taken two witnesses to have established an overt act. The defense
contended that because they were not entitled to these advantages under
this indictment the prosecution could derive no advantages from the
consideration of these facts; and that the case must be treated simply
as a case of murder. The spirit of their argument would rather indicate
that they really regarded it in the same light that Miss Anna Surratt
did, as "nothing more than the death of the meanest nigger in the Union
army."[32] The following is Mr. Pierrepont's reply to their argument on
this point:--
"Our learned friends on the other side have told us, in the progress
of their argument, that they could not subscribe in the least degree
to the doctrine that it was a higher crime to conspire against the
government of the United States, and through that conspiracy commit a
murder upon the Chief Magistrate, than it was to murder the humblest
vagabond in the streets, or words to that effect. Now that is not the
doctrine of a statesman; it is not the doctrine of the Bible; it is not
the doctrine of the law. It is a far more heinous crime to conspire
against the government of the United States and to murder its President
for the purpose of bringing anarchy and confusion on the land, than to
murder a single individual. It is because its consequences are so much
more terrible. It is because it is involving the lives of hundreds and
of thousands. It is because it is involving considerations affecting
the stability, the protection, the life, and the liberty, it may be, of
a nation. The law of England, which I have cited, but which it would
seem, my friends have not read, lays it down, and without a statute,
but as the common law, that it is a crime of such heniousness as to
admit of no accessories.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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