Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. SurrattHarris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
History
Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. Surratt
Harris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865 -- Assassination; Surratt, John H. (John Harrison), 1844-1916
"Historians and text writers on the law may treat of the heinousness
of the crime of imagining the death of a weak or a wicked king or of
a wise or benignant monarch, but you know, gentlemen, as well as you
know that you exist, that to murder the duly elected President of the
most powerful people on earth, is not less atrocious in its character
than to compass the death of a king, or an emperor, albeit he may
have sprang from the loins of the people, who have made him their
representative head, and may have no royal blood coursing through his
veins. You may be told that it is a crime surpassingly heinous to take
or compass the life of him who has occupied a throne simply because he
may be the king of an enslaved people, but that to take the life of
the President of a free republic is an offense of no greater magnitude
than to murder the 'veriest vagabond that walks your streets'; but an
American jury will only believe this doctrine when the people have
become so demoralized and corrupt, so devoid of the love of liberty and
patriotic feeling, as to prefer to have a king and ruler foisted upon
them by the accident of birth or fortunate adventure, rather than have
the making of their own selection of him who is to execute their laws,
and, for the time being, to stand as the representative head of their
collective sovereignty.
"It is a mistake to suppose that a free people in any country will ever
consider it a more henious crime to kill a king, or even to desire
his death, than it is to assassinate a President. It is of no avail
to tell you that to surround the life of a President of a republic
with safeguards as sacred and powerful as those which, in monarchies,
are thrown about a king, as you have been told in the argument, is a
modern idea, 'entertained only by those whose eyes have been dazzled by
visions of stars and garters, and who are desirous of changing our free
institutions for a monarchical form of government.'
"On the contrary, they can only be opposed to guarding with sacred
vigilance the life of the President of a free people who are themselves
prepared to submit to the rule of a despot. Why should the people
be less proud or less regardful of the life of a ruler selected by
themselves, from among themselves, than they would be of the life of
him who claimed to rule over them of his own right? When this question
can be sensibly answered, I shall be willing to admit that the life
of a President is less worth preserving than that of a king, and that
to destroy the life of a President is a crime of less atrocity than
to merely desire the death of a prince; but not till then; nor do I
believe you will."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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