Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. SurrattHarris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
History
Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. Surratt
Harris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865 -- Assassination; Surratt, John H. (John Harrison), 1844-1916
"I ask the Senate to notice that these charges against James are
substantially the charges presented against this accused President,
and confessed here of record, that he has suspended the laws, and
dispensed with the execution of laws, and in order to do this has
usurped authority as the executive of the nation, declaring himself
entitled under the Constitution to suspend the laws and dispense with
their execution. He has further, like James, attempted to control the
appropriated money of the people contrary to law. And he has further,
like James, although it is not alleged against him in the Articles of
Impeachment, it is confessed in his answer, and attempted to cause the
question of his responsibility to the people to be tried, not in the
King's Bench, but in the Supreme Court, when that question is alone
cognizable in the Senate of the United States. Surely, Senators, if
these usurpations, if these endeavors on the part of James thus to
subvert the liberties of the people of England, cost him his crown
and kingdom, the like offenses committed by Andrew Johnson ought to
cost him his office, and to subject him to that perpetual disability
pronounced by the people through the Constitution upon him for his high
crimes and misdemeanors.
"I ask you, Senators, how long men would deliberate upon the question
whether a private citizen arraigned at the bar of one of your tribunals
of justice for a criminal violation of the law, should be permitted
to interpose a plea in justification of his criminal act, that his
only purpose was to interpret the Constitution and laws for himself,
that he violated the law in the exercise of his prerogative to test
its validity hereafter at such a day as might suit his own convenience
in the courts of justice. Surely it is as competent for the private
citizen to interpose such justification in answer to crime in one of
your tribunals of justice, as it is for the President to interpose it,
and for the simple reason that the Constitution is no respecter of
persons, and rests neither in the private citizen judicial power.
"Can it be that by your decree you are at last to make this
discrimination between the ruler of the people and the private citizen,
and to allow him to interpose his assumed right to interpret judicially
your Constitution and laws? Are you to solemnly proclaim by your
decree:--
"'Plate sin with gold,
And the strong lance of justice heartless breaks;
Arm it in rags and a pigmy's straw doth pierce it?'
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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