Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. SurrattHarris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
History
Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. Surratt
Harris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865 -- Assassination; Surratt, John H. (John Harrison), 1844-1916
The considerations on which the motion for severance was overruled
were, that the charge alleged a conspiracy on the part of the persons
accused and on trial, with others unknown, unlawfully, maliciously, and
traitorously to kill and murder the President and others. The fact of
entering into a conspiracy to do unlawful acts gives to the associated
body, in law, an individuality; personality is merged in the common
purpose of those thus combining themselves together, and so the
declaration or act of any one of them, touching the accomplishment of
the common purpose, becomes the declaration or act of all. The guilt is
equally shared by all. If the government could not sustain the charge
of a conspiracy, then none of the accused could be found guilty of
entering into a conspiracy as alleged. The fact of a conspiracy being
established, it only remained to be shown in each case that the accused
was a member of it; proving this, he would be held to be a sharer in
the guilt, although not present at the commission of the crime; but
failing to establish the fact of his belonging to the conspiracy, his
innocence must be legally admitted. In other words he could not be
found guilty. There can in law be no severance of an individuality; and
so the application for a separate trial was denied, or overruled.
On the demurrer to the jurisdiction of the court, the Commission held
that it could not admit this to be a question that it could properly
take under its consideration. To the executive department of the
government alone belonged the decision of this question as to the
kind of trial that the accused should have; and the President, after
maturely considering it in the light of the Constitution and the
related facts, and after having submitted it to his Attorney General
for his opinion, accepting that opinion as the correct conclusion
of his very exhaustive argument, embracing all the Constitutional
questions involved, had determined that these parties were offenders
against the laws of war, as their offense was the act of secret, active
participants in the existing hostilities, and committed with a deep
political intent, the purpose of which was to give aid to the existing
rebellion, and so, justly, under the Constitution, subjecting them
to _law martial_, and trial by a military commission. The President,
being _ex-officio_ Commander-in-Chief of the armies of the United
States, had the right to order a detail of officers to constitute such
court, and by order to specify the duties required of them. Their
duty as officers of the army required of them simply obedience to the
orders of the President of the United States and to those over them
in the organization of the military arm of the government. To this
they were bound by the solemn obligations of their official oath. To
have entertained this question would have been an act of disobedience,
subjecting them to discipline; to have refused to serve would have been
an act of mutiny.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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