Australia -- Politics and government; Great Britain -- Colonies -- Australia
It was also contended that, among a population of not more that 160,000
persons, if the experiment were worthy of a trial, it should be
extended to the whole country. The only other electoral peculiarity
that I have noted in Australia is to be found in Queensland. Under an
Act of 1892 which deals with the election of members of the Assembly,
an elector may "indicate on his {176} ballot-paper the name or names of
any candidate or candidates for whom he does not vote in the first
instance, but for whom he desires his vote or votes to be counted in
the event of any candidate or candidates for whom he votes in the first
instance not receiving an absolute majority of votes." These
contingent votes are not counted unless the requisite number of
candidates fail to obtain an absolute majority of all the primary
votes; they are of no value where the candidates are not in the ratio
of more than two to one to the vacancies, as it is provided that in
such cases the candidates who receive the greatest number of votes
shall be elected.
It is a noteworthy fact that the four Provinces, New South Wales,
Victoria, South Australia, and Tasmania, which decided in favour of
popular election of the delegates to the new Federal Convention and the
subsequent approval or rejection of the Draft Constitution by a direct
popular vote, are those in which the Ministry advocate a plebiscite for
the settlement of disputes between the two Houses of Parliament. The
acceptance of the Federation Enabling Bill by the Legislative Councils
of these Provinces must weaken the moral force of their opposition to
the plebiscite, as it may reasonably be argued that, if the people can
be trusted to give an intelligent vote upon the most important of all
Australian problems, they can still more be trusted to deal with any
question of current politics. In Tasmania Ministers are {177}
confronted with a Legislative Council which continually amends, as well
as rejects, their financial proposals, justifying its attitude upon the
wording of the Constitution Act of 1854. The section in question
states that "all Bills for appropriating any part of the revenue or for
imposing any tax, rate, duty, or impost shall originate in the House of
Assembly, and it shall not be lawful for the House of Assembly to
originate or pass any vote, resolution, or Bill for the appropriation
of any part of the revenue, or of any tax, rate, duty, or impost for
any purpose which shall not have been first recommended by the Governor
to the House of Assembly during the session in which such vote,
resolution, or Bill shall be passed." As the right of amendment is not
specifically withheld, as in the Victorian Constitution, the
Legislative Council assumes its possession. The case for the
plebiscite was put by the Premier and the Treasurer upon the second
reading of the Bill. Sir Edward Braddon stated that the financial
privileges of the Assembly had continually been infringed by the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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