Australia -- Politics and government; Great Britain -- Colonies -- Australia
In Tasmania, in 1896, the House of Assembly passed a private Bill
containing a similar limitation to that in the Victorian measure, and
was equally unable to secure the concurrence of the Council. A
resolution in favour of female suffrage has been adopted by a large
majority in the Assembly of New South Wales, but the question has not
been taken up by either of the recognised parties. The Premier may be
reckoned as a personal supporter, but declines to move in the matter in
view of differences of opinion in the Cabinet. Neither in Western
Australia nor in Queensland does the subject arouse much interest.
Such is the state of feeling in five of the six Australian Provinces.
In South Australia an arduous contest was concluded in 1894 by the
passage of an Act which placed women upon an absolute equality with men
in the right to vote for {187} members both of the Assembly and of the
Council. It is unnecessary to trace the history of the agitation which
may be said to have commenced in 1888 upon the formation of the Women's
Franchise League, though a Bill for the enfranchisement of women of
property had previously been introduced. Thenceforward it was pursued
vigorously, and culminated in 1893, when the Government pronounced in
favour of adult suffrage. But the difficulties were not at an end: the
Bill of that year was wrecked, mainly because its adoption was to be
dependent upon an affirmative plebiscite; reintroduced in the following
year without the obnoxious clause, it was passed through both Houses of
Parliament, though only by the bare statutory majority in the Assembly,
and shortly afterwards received the Queen's assent.
During the course of the debates the Premier, who holds the portfolio
of Attorney-General, said that, if women were entitled to vote, they
would have the right to sit in Parliament, and the Assembly, by
twenty-eight votes to eight, refused to exclude them. A doubt has
since been expressed, which is not shared by the Ministry, whether they
are qualified to be elected to the Council. I have not had the
opportunity to read the arguments, which concern the interpretation of
several statutes, but they would be of no great interest, the main
point being that Parliament intended to enable women to sit in both
Houses. {188} In New Zealand, on the other hand, the enfranchising Act
of 1893 expressly denied to women the right of election to the House of
Representatives or nomination to the Council; and the succeeding House,
though elected under adult suffrage, refused to go back upon this
decision. The subsequent proposal of the Premier that women should be
eligible for nomination to the Council, was intended, I believe, partly
as a bid for their support, partly as a means of casting ridicule upon
the non-representative body.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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