(M609) Even more common than money loans are the corn loans. Here the
loans were generally for a short time just before harvest, when the
repayment was expected. The period is usually short, five days,(655) or a
month.(656) Interest is sometimes demanded, at the rate of _one hundred ḲA
per GUR_, or one-third, that is, _thirty-three and a third per cent_. This
was probably the rate _per mensem, four hundred per cent. per annum_. But
in one case the interest is _one hundred ḲA per GUR per annum_,(657) once
it is expressly said to be nothing,(658) usually it is not referred to at
all. Sometimes a loan was partly in money, partly in corn.(659)
(M610) Other things were lent, as sesame, skins, bricks, and the like, but
these loans exhibit no peculiarity. They are merely letting the borrower
have goods on credit, to be paid for, or returned, after a time.
We may take, as an example of this kind of transaction, a rather more
complicated case:(660)
(M611)
Two and seven-thirtieths of a _GUR_ of corn, Shamash standard
measure, which Ilu-kasha, son of Sharru-Shamash, gave to Belshunu,
Ilushu-abushu, and Ikash-Ninsaḫ. Ilu-kasha brought the corn and
returned one _GUR_ and one-tenth and took for himself two hundred
and twenty _ḲA_. Later he paid one-tenth of a _GUR_ to
Ilushu-bânî, Ikash-Ninsaḫ, and Shumma-Shamash, and they remitted
in all three _GUR_, the former and later debt.
In the second case only one of the former debtors is left. The loan was
partly repaid, a fresh loan contracted, and then partly repaid. It is not
clear whether the arrears were remitted or extracted by distraint. Nor is
it clear whether Ilukasha was debtor or creditor. As a rule such points
are clear. It is only the conciseness of the formula which here causes the
obscurity.
(M612) Another fairly common type of document contains a number of
sections, each containing the record of one sum. But it is not clear that
these were loans. They may be allowances for food or salary. Thus in B1
247 we have so much corn for the women weavers, so much more for the
votaries, so much for other officials, from the first of one month to the
thirtieth, so much for the Sutî who was watching the field, so much for a
boatman, and so on. These are perhaps a temple steward’s accounts. Their
interest lies only in the incidental notices. We also note that here a
month had thirty days. It is interesting to find that the celebrated Sutî
nomads who later gave so much trouble, were already in the country and
were employed to watch the fields. Was this watching done on the principle
of “setting a thief to catch a thief”? Perhaps it was necessary to employ
a Sutî as custodian, of course at a salary, if one was to preserve the
crop from the depredations of his fellow-tribesmen.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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