It is not possible to gather up in one volume of sound the rattle of
the knocks at Englishmen’s castle-gates during election days; so, with
the thunder of it unheard, the majesty of the act of canvassing can be
but barely appreciable, and he, therefore, who would celebrate it must
follow the candidate obsequiously from door to door, where, like a
cross between a postman delivering a bill and a beggar craving an alms,
patiently he attempts the extraction of the vote, as little boys pick
periwinkles with a pin.
“This is your duty, which I most abjectly entreat you to do,” is pretty
nearly the form of the supplication.
How if, instead of the solicitation of the thousands by the unit, the
meritorious unit were besought by rushing thousands?—as a mound of the
plains that is circumvented by floods, and to which the waters cry, Be
thou our island. Let it be answered the questioner, with no
discourteous adjectives, Thou fool! To come to such heights of popular
discrimination and political ardour the people would have to be
vivified to a pitch little short of eruptive: it would be Boreas
blowing AEtna inside them; and we should have impulse at work in the
country, and immense importance attaching to a man’s whether he will or
he won’t—enough to womanize him. We should be all but having Parliament
for a sample of our choicest rather than our likest: and see you not a
peril in that?
Conceive, for the fleeting instants permitted to such insufferable
flights of fancy, our picked men ruling! So despotic an oligarchy as
would be there, is not a happy subject of contemplation. It is not too
much to say that a domination of the Intellect in England would at once
and entirely alter the face of the country. We should be governed by
the head with a vengeance: all the rest of the country being base
members indeed; Spartans—helots. Criticism, now so helpful to us, would
wither to the root: fun would die out of Parliament, and outside of it:
we could never laugh at our masters, or command them: and that good
old-fashioned shouldering of separate interests, which, if it stops
progress, like a block in the pit entrance to a theatre, proves us
equal before the law, puts an end to the pretence of higher merit in
the one or the other, and renders a stout build the safest assurance
for coming through ultimately, would be transformed to a painful
orderliness, like a City procession under the conduct of the police,
and to classifications of things according to their public value:
decidedly no benefit to burly freedom. None, if there were no
shouldering and hustling, could tell whether actually the fittest
survived; as is now the case among survivors delighting in a
broad-chested fitness.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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