Benjamin Franklin; Self-Revealed, Volume 2 (of 2): A Biographical and Critical Study Based Mainly on his own WritingsBruce, Wiliam Cabell
History
Benjamin Franklin; Self-Revealed, Volume 2 (of 2): A Biographical and Critical Study Based Mainly on his own Writings
Bruce, Wiliam Cabell
Franklin, Benjamin, 1706-1790
The Proprietary Government of Pennsylvania was bad enough in principle; it
was made still worse by the unjust and greedy manner in which it was
administered by Thomas and Richard Penn, who were the Proprietaries, when
Franklin became a member of the Assembly. The vast estate of William Penn
in Pennsylvania, consisting of some twenty-six million acres of land, held
subject to the nominal obligation of the owner to pay to the King one fifth
of such gold and silver as the Province might yield, descended upon the
death of Penn to his sons John, Thomas and Richard, in the proportion of
one half to John, as the eldest son, and in the proportion of one fourth
each to Thomas and Richard. John died in 1746, after devising his one half
share to Thomas; thus making Thomas the owner of three out of the four
shares.[13] The political powers of the Proprietaries were exercised by a
deputy-governor whose position was in the highest degree vexatious and
perplexing. He held his office by appointment of the Proprietaries, who
resided in England, and the mode in which he was to discharge his duties
was prescribed by rigid "instructions," issued to him by them. His salary,
however, was derived from the Assembly, which was rarely at peace with the
Proprietary Government. If he obeyed his instructions, he ran the risk of
losing his salary; if he disobeyed them, he was certain to lose his place.
Incredible as it may now seem, the main duty imposed upon him by his
instructions was that of vetoing every tax bill enacted by the Assembly
which did not expressly exempt all the located, unimproved and unoccupied
lands of the Proprietaries, and all the quitrents, fines and purchase money
out at interest, to which they were entitled, that is to say, the greater
part of their immense estate. This was the axis about which the bitter
controversy between the Popular and Proprietary parties, in which Franklin
acquired his political training and reputation, revolved like one of the
lurid waterspouts with which a letter that his correspondent John Perkins
received from him has been illustrated. The Assembly insisted that they
should not be required to vote money for the support of the Proprietary
Government, unless the proprietary estate bore its proper share of the
common burden. The Governor did not dare to violate his instructions for
fear of being removed by his masters, and of being sued besides on the bond
by which he had bound himself not to violate them. At times, the feud was
so intense and absorbing, that, like a pair of gamecocks, too intent on
their own deadly encounter to hear an approaching footstep, the combatants
almost lost sight of the fact that, under the shelter of their dissensions,
the Indian was converting the frontiers of Pennsylvania into a charred and
blood-stained wilderness. Occasionally the Assembly had to yield the point
with a reservation asserting that its action was not to be taken as a
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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