Gambling; Great Britain -- Social life and customs
The political world, then as always, was no better than the
individuals who composed it. Private vices were reflected in
the conduct of public affairs; and the English people suffered,
and suffers still, because, at a great crisis in our history, a
large proportion among our rulers and councillors had been too
dissolute and prodigal to be able to afford a conscience.[5]
The gamblers were in power. There was plenty of party but little
politics, and what politics there was was largely an art of recouping
gaming losses from the public purse. Public life was saved only by the
political overthrow of the gambling aristocracy. Fox, possessing though
he did a genius which could throw off the taint of his circumstances,
failed mainly owing to his lack of steadiness, dignity, prudence, and
industry,[6] and these were precisely the deficiencies which his gambling
habits would accentuate. They are the moral and intellectual results of
gambling, and follow it as inevitably as gout follows wine-bibbing.
Those of us who fail to see any road leading to a desirable state of
society save the political one, those who still believe that democracy
is the only form of government under which men can enjoy the blessings
of full citizenship, those who consider that in spite of the likes or
dislikes of ruling classes government tends to depend more and more
upon the sanction of the common people and thus becomes an ever more
accurate reflection of their character, can view only with alarm the
rapid spread of gambling habits amongst the masses. Where these habits
prevail the newspaper, which should be the guide of the citizen, is read
not for its politics but for its tips, for the racing news printed in
the “fudge,” not for the subjects it discusses in its leader columns,
and so is degraded to being the organ of the bookmaker. This does not
merely mean an extension of its sporting columns, but a revolution in its
tone and its staff, in response to what really becomes a revolution in
its functions. Men who are too weary to think, too overworked to attend
political meetings or take positions of responsibility in their trade
unions, can nevertheless speak authoritatively about the pedigree of an
obscure horse and the record of a second-rate footballer.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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