Bismarck : $b some secret pages of his history (Vol. 1 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great ChancellorBusch, Moritz
History
Bismarck : $b some secret pages of his history (Vol. 1 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great Chancellor
Busch, Moritz
Bismarck, Otto, Fürst von, 1815-1898
A war indemnity, however great it may be, would not compensate us for
the enormous sacrifices we have made. We must protect South Germany
with its exposed position against French attacks, and thus put an end
to the pressure exercised upon it by France during two centuries,
especially as this pressure has during the whole time greatly
contributed to German disorganisation and confusion. Baden, Würtemberg,
and the other south-western districts must not in future be threatened
by Strassburg and subject to attack from that point. This also applies
to Bavaria. Within 150 years the French have made war upon South-west
Germany more than a dozen times. Efforts were made in 1814 and 1815
in a forbearing spirit to secure guarantees against a renewal of such
attacks. That forbearance, however, was without effect, and it would
now also remain fruitless. The danger lies in the incurable arrogance
and lust of power which is part of the French character, qualities that
might be abused by every ruler--not by any means by the Bonapartes
alone--for the purpose of attacking peaceful neighbours. Our protection
against this evil does not lie in vain attempts periodically to soothe
French susceptibilities, but rather in securing a well-defended
frontier. France, by repeatedly annexing German territory and all the
natural defences on our western frontier, has put herself in a position
to force her way into South Germany with a comparatively small force
before assistance can be brought from the north. Such invasions have
repeatedly occurred under Louis XIV. and his successor, as well as
under the Republic and the First Empire, and the sense of insecurity
obliges the German States to reckon constantly with France. That the
annexation of a piece of territory will produce bitter feelings amongst
the French is a matter of no consequence. Such feelings would exist in
any case, even without any cession of territory. Austria did not lose
an acre of soil in 1866, and yet what thanks have we had? Our victory
at Sadowa had already filled the French with hatred and vexation. How
much stronger must that sentiment be after our victories at Wörth and
Metz! Revenge for those defeats will continue to be the war cry in
Paris even without any annexation, and will spread to influential
circles in the provinces, just as the idea of revenge for Waterloo
was kept alive there for decades. An enemy who cannot be turned into
a friend by considerate treatment must be rendered thoroughly and
permanently harmless. Not the demolition, but the surrender, of the
eastern fortresses of France can alone serve our purpose. Whoever
desires disarmament must wish to see France’s neighbours adopt this
course, as France is the sole disturber of European peace, and will
remain so as long as she can.
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