Bismarck : $b some secret pages of his history (Vol. 2 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great ChancellorBusch, Moritz
History
Bismarck : $b some secret pages of his history (Vol. 2 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great Chancellor
Busch, Moritz
Bismarck, Otto, Fürst von, 1815-1898
“According to the _Post_, the true moral of the above story is to
be found in the words which the Prince added on that occasion: ‘He
could only remain in office if his colleagues took up the reforms in
question of their own motion, and independently.’ Otherwise, he wished
to retire, as he did not feel strong enough to bear the strain of
Ministerial crises, together with a breach with his old colleagues,
and the necessity of accustoming himself to new men. It was unfair
to ask him to do all the work, and submit it to the criticism of a
departmental chief bent on another course. (The ‘other course’ referred
to was doubtless that of the Manchester School.) He had laid his
own course in the railway question, and had ostensibly received the
approval of all his colleagues. When it came, however, to the carrying
out of his proposals he met with the customary passive resistance, and
the usual refusal--just like the Progressive party, whose invariable
reply was, ‘No, not in that way, but in another way’--that is to say,
in some way that would never work. On that occasion the Chancellor
said: ‘What I have to do is to ascertain whether my present colleagues
will, of their own initiative and free conviction, carry out those
reforms which I regard as indispensable, in such a manner that they
will take the responsibility for me, and not I for them. If they would
only do so I would willingly continue my credit and my name to the
firm, in order to carry through these reforms.’
“The writer in the _Kölnische Zeitung_ has expressed himself so
confident with regard to the reforms desired by the Prince, that one
may perhaps inquire why the same success which he promises if the
Chancellor submits them to the criticism of Ministers and of the
parties in the Reichstag should not attend them if the colleagues,
whose business it is, were to draft these measures and recommend them
to the acceptance of the Legislature. The particular colleague who,
as already observed, had no small share in preparing the article
in question, is as self-confident as he is many-sided. He seems to
possess power and influence. Two years ago he said in the Reichstag:
‘The word _impossible_ is printed in very small characters in my
dictionary.’ He has connections with the Castle at Coblenz, and is at
the same time highly appreciated in certain exalted circles in Berlin,
where people are most liberal and enlightened, as a corner-stone of
Constitutionalism and a pillar of Protestantism. Why does a man of
so much importance and ability decline to take the initiative of the
reforms which the Chancellor has at heart? Is it, perhaps, that he
fears to jeopardise one side of his many-sidedness, or to renounce
thereby his past, his principles, and his connections as a member of
the Manchester School?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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